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                  <text>The Bronx County Historical Society

JOURNAL
Volume LVI Numbers 1&amp;2

Spring/Fall 2019

�Cover Photo: East Fordham Road at night in early 1940’s with the RKO Fordham and
Valentine Theatres. Photo courtesy Arturo Viale.

�The Bronx County
Historical Society

JOURNAL

Volume LVI Numbers 1&amp;2 Spring/Fall 2019
Editorial Board
Elizabeth Beirne
Peter Derrick
Kelly Jutsum
Steven Payne

G. Hermalyn
Patrick Logan
Roger Wines

© 2019 by The Bronx County Historical Society, Inc.
The Bronx County Historical Society Journal is published by The Bronx County
Historical Society, Inc. All correspondence should be addressed to 3309 Bainbridge
Avenue, The Bronx, New York, 10467. Articles appearing in The Bronx County
Historical Society Journal are abstracted and indexed in America: History and Life,
Periodical Source Index, and Recent Scholarship Online. The Bronx County Historical
Society Journal and its editors disclaim responsibility for statements made by the
contributors.
ISSN 0007-2249
Microfilm and Microfiche issue and article copies are available through
University Microfilms International:
100 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 48106.
Articles in The Bronx County Historical Journal can also be found on
EBSCO host research databases and on our website.
www.bronxhistoricalsociety.org

1

�THE BRONX COUNTY HISTORICAL SOCIETY
TRUSTEES
Ms. Jacqueline Kutner, President
Ms. Mei Sei Fong, Trustee
Mr. Anthony Morante, Vice President Dr. G. Hermalyn, Trustee
Mr. Patrick Logan, Treasurer
Mr. Joel Podgor, C.P.A., Trustee
Mr. Larry Barazzotto, Secretary
Prof. Lloyd Ultan, Trustee
Mr. Steve Baktidy, Trustee
Mr. Gil Walton, Trustee
Mr. Robert Esnard, Trustee
Mr. Jac Zadrima, Trustee

Hon. Bill de Blasio

Ex-OFFICIO

Hon. Ruben Diaz, Jr.

Mayor of New York City

President of the Borough of The Bronx

Hon. Mitchell Silver

Commissioner of the New York City
Department of Cultural Affairs

Hon. Tom Finkelpearl

Commissioner of the New York City
Parks &amp; Recreation

STAFF

Dr. Gary Hermalyn, CEO
Mr. Clarence Addo-Yobo,
Valentine-Varian House Senior Interpreter
Mrs. Teresa Brown, Chief Administrative Officer
Mr. Nestor Danyluk, Archives Consultant
Ms. Vivian E. Davis, Educator, Coordinator
Dr. Peter Derrick, Archivist Emeritus
Ms. Denise Diaz, Accounting
Mr. Daniel Eisenstein, Facilities Coordinator
Mr. Justin Mashia, Educator
Mr. Sidney Horenstein, National History Consultant
Mrs. Kelly Jutsum, Membership/Projects Secretary
Mr. Gleinin Martinez, Poe Cottage Senior Interpreter
Ms. Kathleen A. McAuley, Director of Museums/Curator
Dr. Mark Naison, Consultant
Bronx African American History Project,
Fordham University
Mr. Chris Padilla, Office Clerk
Dr. Steven Payne, Librarian/Archivist

2

�Volume LVI

Numbers 1&amp;2

Spring/Fall 2019

ARTICLES
The Important of The Battle of Pell’s Point:
Myth and Reality ..................................................................................................6
Lloyd Ultan
284 Alexander Avenue: Gemütlichkeit ..................................................27
Sandra Eaton
The Bronx: An Academic Powerhouse ..................................................41
Patrick J. T. Curran
Reminiscence: It Was a Great Place to Live, The Bronx...............45
Phil Berle (d. 1999)
About the Authors ............................................................................................49

BOOK REVIEWS

Merwin
Pastrami on Rye (2015), by Steven Payne..............................................53
Gurock
Parkchester (2019), by Steven Payne.......................................................57
Eldredge and Horenstein
Concrete Jungle (2014), by G. Hermalyn .................................................60
Hermalyn and Ultan
A Historical Sketch of The Bronx (2018), by Richard Legnini.........60

3

�NEW YORK URBAN HISTORY:
ISABELLE HERMALYN BOOK AWARD
This annual award is presented to the author of a
distinguished work in New York urban history.

2005 The Devil’s Own Work: The Civil War Draft
Riots and the Fight to Reconstruct America
Mr. Barnett Schecter, Walker &amp; Company.
2004 The Island at the Center of the World: The Epic
Story of Dutch Manhattan, the Foreign Colony
that Shaped America
Mr. Russell Shorto, Doubleday
Broadway Publishing Group.
2003 Capital City: New York City and the Men
Behind America’s Rise to Economic
Dominance, 1860-1900
Prof. Thomas Kessner, Simon &amp; Schuster.
2002 Tunneling to the Future: The Story of the
Great Subway Expansion that Saved New York
Dr. Peter Derrick,
New York University Press.
2001 The Monied Metropolis: New York City and
the Consolidation of the American Bourgeoisie,
1850-1896
Prof. Sven Beckert,
Cambridge University Press.
2000 Bronx Accent: A Literary and Pictorial
History of the Borough
Prof. Lloyd Ultan and
Prof. Barbara Unger
Rutgers Press.
1999 The Neighborhoods of Brooklyn
Prof. John Manbeck, consulting editor,
Ms. Zella Jones, project coordinator,
Citizens Committee for New York City
University Press.
1998 American Metropolis: A History
of New York City
Prof. George Kankevich,
New York University Press.
1997 Elected Public Officials of
The Bronx Since 1898
Mrs. Laura Tosi, compiler,
Dr. Gary Hermalyn, editor,
The Bronx County Historical Society.
1996 Morris High School &amp; The Creation of the
New York City Public High School System
Dr. Gary Hermalyn,
The Bronx County Historical Society.

2019 Concrete Jungle: NYC And Our Last Hope
For A Sustainable Future
Niles Eldridge &amp; Sidney Horenstein,
University of California Press.
2018 Digging The Bronx: Recent Anthology
Prof. Alan Gilbert, The Bronx County
Historical Society.
2017 The New York Botanical Garden
Mr. Gregory Long &amp; Mr. Todd A. Forest,
Abrams Books.
2016 The Bronx Documentary Project
Ms. Judith C. Lane &amp; Mr. Daniel Hauben.
2015 An Irrepressible Conflict:
The Empire State in Civil War
Ms. Jennifer A. Lemak, Aaron Noble,
Robert Weible, SUNY Press.
2014 Supreme City
Mr. Donal Miller, Simon &amp; Schuster.
2013 Humans of New York
Mr. Brandon Stanton, St. Martin’s Press.
2012 The Impeachment of Governor Salzer
Mr. Matthew L. Lifflander, SUNY Press.
2011 Freedomland
Mr. Robert McLaughlin &amp;
Mr. Frank Adamo, Arcadia Publishers.
2010 Band of Union: Building The Erie Canal
and the American Empire
Mr. Gerard T. Koppel, Da Capa Press.
2009 Manahatta
Dr. Eric W. Sanderson, Abrams Books.
2008 The New York, Westchester and Boston
Railway: J.P. Morgan’s Magnificent Mistake
Mr. Herbert Harwood,
Indiana University Press.
2007 Trying Leviathan: The Nineteenth Century
New York Case that put the Whale on Trial
and Challenged the Order of Nature
Prof. D, Graham Burnett,
Princeton University Press.
2006 Ladies and Gentlemen, The Bronx is Burning:
1977, Baseball, Politics, and the Battle for the
Soul of a City
Mr. Jonathan Mahler,
Ferrar, Straus &amp; Giroux.

4

�ENDOWED FUNDS
The Bronx County Historical Society encourages the
establishment of named endowment funds.
Funds may be created to support the many different
programs of The Society or may be established for
restricted use.
The funds appear permanently on the financial
records of The Historical Society in recognition of
their ongoing support of its work. Named
endowment funds are established for a gift of $5000
or more and once begun additional contributions
may be made at any time.
The following funds currently support The Society’s
work:
Astor Fund, Bingham Fund, Elbaum Fund,
Fernandez Fund, General Board Fund, Gordon Fund,
Gouverneur Morris Fund, Halpern Memorial Fund,
Hermalyn Institute, Isabelle Fund, Khan Fund,
Lampell Fund, Library Fund, Parisse Fund,
Sander Fund, and Ultan Fund.
For further details, contact:
Mr. Joel Podgor, C.P.A.
Treasurer Emeritus
718-881-8900

5

�Statue of John Glover, Boston, Massachusetts, 1904.
Courtesy of the Library of Congress, Detroit Publishing Company photograph collection.

6

�THE IMPORTANCE OF THE
BATTLE OF PELL’S POINT:
MYTH AND REALITY
Lloyd Ultan
During the American Revolution, many engagements between the
forces of Great Britain and the American colonies were recorded. One of them
began in today’s Pelham Bay Park in The Bronx. Ask people what they know
about it, and most would reply that they never heard of it. Even most lovers
of history and professional historians overlook it or give it short shrift. Yet
historians of The Bronx and Westchester County have studied the engagement
in some detail and have insisted that it was a military encounter of great
significance for the course of the Revolution and for the fate of the future
United States.
As such, there is controversy about the importance of that military
encounter. Even the name is in dispute. Most Westchester County historians
refer to it at the “Battle of Pelham,” the “Battle of Pelham Manor,” or the “Battle
of Pelham Bay.” Bronx historians prefer the “Battle of Pell’s Point.” Some
historians insist that it should not even be given the status of a “battle,” but
instead be referred to as a mere “skirmish.”
Therefore, we ought to examine this military encounter to try to
determine what was at stake in it, what happened, what was its result, and
what was its ultimate importance. To do so, we have to return to the month
of October 1776.
During that month, the British forces were on the move. The strategy
of their commander, General Sir William Howe, was to try to trap George
Washington and his rag-tag collection of Continental soldiers augmented by
local militia units, to capture them all, and to put an end to the pesky rebellion
that had so disrupted the mighty British Empire.
Since August, with a combination of skill and a large dose of good
luck, Washington had eluded Howe’s grasp. The first time, in August, the
American commander successfully evacuated his men from Long Island to
Manhattan under the providential cover of a thick fog that obscured their
movement. Following that, whenever Howe’s troops landed behind him along
the East River’s Manhattan shore, Washington again was able to maneuver
quickly enough to scamper his men up the west side of Manhattan to the
northern end of the island and the mainland.
Nevertheless, the American commander had cause to be exasperated
with the conduct of most of his men. Whenever the British marched on their
positions, the American defenders too often fled in panic and ignored
7

�Lloyd Ultan
Washington’s exhortations to stand and fight.1 When Washington stationed
units along the mainland shoreline in an attempt to determine where the
British would land next, one soldier assigned to Morrisania, along the narrow
Bronx Kill, fraternized with a British sentinel on Montressor’s Island (now
Randall’s Island) by giving a bite of his chewing tobacco on request.2
On October 12, 1776, a British fleet of eighty or ninety ships sailed
through the treacherous waters of Hell Gate in the inky darkness of the night
and landed at Throggs Neck. The British troops intended to march across a
wooden causeway over the swampy land, cross Westchester Creek to the
center of the town of Westchester (now Westchester Square), continue
westward toward the vicinity of the King’s Bridge, cut the American supply
line from Connecticut, force Washington’s troops to abandon the bridge, and
thus bring them into action.3
Fortunately, Continental Major General William Heath, who was in
immediate command on the mainland, foresaw this possibility and had placed
defenders at the western side of Westchester Creek and at the pass at the
creek’s headwaters (about where Pelham Parkway is today). After taking up
the planks of the bridge over the creek to halt the British march, the
Continental troops—hiding behind defenses of piled cordwood and a tidal
mill—raked the British soldiers with accurate and withering fire, forcing them
to retreat. A British attempt to use the pass at the creek’s headwaters was
similarly thwarted. While the British troops established a camp at Throggs
Neck and were resupplied and reinforced by forty or fifty more ships, both
sides continued to exchange fire across the swamp lands and Westchester
Creek.4
On 14 October, Heath and the generals under his command observed
the British positions on Throggs Neck and spread out to determine other
possible landing sites along the eastern shoreline that the enemy could use.
Meanwhile, even more sloops and boats went up the East River to resupply
and reinforce the British army.5
On the same day, Continental Major General Charles Lee joined
George Washington at his headquarters. Lee had formerly been an officer in
the British army and was considered at the time to have greater military
insight and ability than he actually possessed. In reality, Lee was more of a
prima donna and freely criticized Washington’s decisions behind his back.
Because of the esteem Lee then had, Washington placed him in command of
all the American forces above the King’s Bridge, but permitted him to take a
William Heath, Memoirs of Major General William Heath, ed. by William Abbott (New York: William Abbott,
1901), 52.
2
Heath, Memoirs, 55.
3
Peter Force, ed., American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates,
and Letters, and Other Notices of Publick Affairs, 5th series, Containing a Documentary History of the United
States of America from the Declaration of Independence, July 4, 1776 to the Definitive Treaty of Peace with
Great Britain, September 3, 1783, 3 vols. (Washington, DC: M. St. Clair Clarke and Peter Force, 1848–1853),
3:922.
4
Heath, Memoirs, 61–63.
5
Heath, Memoirs, 63.
1

8

�The Importance of the Battle of Pell’s Point
day or two to get acquainted with the lay of the land before he assumed actual
control.6 Characteristically, Lee took his own sweet time. He delayed taking
command of the area for much longer than the one or two days he was given.
Thus, there was no general in charge of the area above the King’s Bridge at
the time when the British were on the move.
On 16 October, the American generals reconnoitered Pell’s Point
(now Rodman’s Neck in Pelham Bay Park). They worried that the left (east)
flank of the Continental Army would be turned by the British unless the
American defensive lines were moved immediately to a more northerly
position.7
Consequently, four Continental regiments from New England were
moved to a hill (now in Mount Vernon) that had a commanding view over the
well-wooded and relatively flat lands to the south, including Pell’s Point.
Colonel John Glover of Marblehead, Massachusetts, commanded one of the
regiments and was also placed in temporary overall command of the other
three. Glover, who had advanced himself from shoemaker to fish seller to inn
keeper to wealthy merchant, now nearing his forty-fourth birthday, had some
military experience as an officer in his local militia regiment, of which he had
been a part since 1759. Glover’s unit was taken into the Continental Army in
1775. On August 29, 1776, he gained recognition for organizing and
supervising the successful evacuation of 9,000 besieged American troops with
their equipment, horses, and cannon at night in a thick fog across the East
River from Brooklyn to Manhattan.8
Despite Glover’s deployment to the hill overlooking today’s Pelham
Bay Park, Washington realized his own army was in a potentially perilous
position. After a council of war, orders were issued to the American army to
evacuate. The retreat to White Plains began on 18 October.9
The British began their maneuver the same day. A body of troops
from Throggs Neck marched toward the American lines at Westchester Creek.
Heath, expecting this was an attack in force, ordered other units to reinforce
those defending the causeway and the headwaters of Westchester Creek.
Before they got there, Washington rode up and told Heath to order those units
to return but to continue to defend the positions at Westchester Creek while
keeping an eye on Morrisania—in case the British should attempt another
landing there.10
The British maneuver toward Westchester Creek turned out to be a
feint to divert attention from their real purpose. With fresh winds blowing
Heath, Memoirs, 63.
Heath, Memoirs, 63.
8
The best account of Glover’s life, especially during the Revolution, is George Athan Billias, General John
Glover and His Marblehead Mariners (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1960). See also Russel W. Knight,
“A Biographical Sketch,” in Knight, ed., General John Glover’s Letterbook: 1776–1777 (Salem, MA: Essex Institute, 1976), xv, and Alfred M. Franko, Pelham Manor: The Forgotten Battle of the Revolution (Mount Vernon,
NY: s.n., 1963), 29.
9
Billias, General John Glover, 114.
10
Heath, Memoirs, 64.
6
7

9

�Lloyd Ultan
from the southwest, the British fleet moved to the northern side of Throggs
Neck where the troops embarked and set sail under the cover of night for the
cove west of today’s Rodman’s Neck (then called Pell’s Point).11
Arriving with a large force at five o’clock in the morning of October
18, 1776, their landing was unopposed. With over one hundred ships of varied
sizes in a rather small cove, it would take a great deal of time for each ship to
lower rowboats filled with soldiers, cannons, horses, and supplies to bring all
ashore. The landings were led by General Sir Henry Clinton and General Earl
Cornwallis. Cornwallis was in charge of the force that was to march up the
eastern portion of the property known as the manor of Pelham to cover the
flank of the main army. Clinton’s troops began moving a mile and a half from
the shore northward along a road flanked by stone walls on the west side of
the manor of Pelham well before the disembarkation was completed.12
Colonel John Glover stood on the hill now in Mount Vernon to survey
Long Island Sound using his spyglass. He was astounded seeing the might of
the enemy army in the process of landing its forces from so many ships
amassed at the shoreline. The only American defenders opposing the enemy
troops were the four regiments over which he was in nominal command.
Glover’s experience in combat was limited. As a Massachusetts militia colonel
now in the Continental Army, he had never been responsible for grand
strategy but carried out orders from the general above him. He had familiarity
in tactics and organization, however. Nevertheless, he anxiously wished to
have some experienced general take command in the unexpected situation in
which he found himself. Glover immediately sent Major William R. Lee with a
dispatch to General Charles Lee apprising him of the situation and urging him
to come and take command. General Lee, as was typical for him, could not be
found. Glover was on his own.13
Without waiting, Glover thought of his own strategy to engage units
of what was then considered the best fighting force in the world. Noting the
roughness of the land, he realized that it would take too much time to drag
his three cannons down and deploy them effectively. He left them behind,
guarded by the men of his own regiment. He then led the other three
regiments he commanded south to meet the oncoming enemy forces.14
On the way, the Americans unexpectedly encountered a small
advance party of about thirty enemy skirmishers. Glover detached a captain
and forty men to engage them while he deployed the rest. The site he chose
to take his stand was along the narrow dirt road flanked by stone walls, the
remnant of which can still be seen west of the golf courses in today’s Pelham
Bay Park. The terrain on either side of the road was well wooded. The site was
alongside the Split Rock, a large bolder split in half by a tree growing in its
middle.
Heath, Memoirs, 64.
Billias, General John Glover, 114–15.
13
Force, American Archives, 2:1188.
14
Force, American Archives, 2:1188.
11
12

10

�The Importance of the Battle of Pell’s Point
Behind the wall on the east side of the road, Glover stationed the
regiment of Colonel Joseph Read. Further to the north behind the wall on the
west side of the road crouched the regiment of Colonel William Shepard, a
veteran of the French and Indian War. Colonel Laommi Baldwin, a civil
engineer later noted for the propagation of the Baldwin apple, led his regiment
stationed still further north behind the wall flanking the east side of the road.15
Glover then rode up to the men he sent to engage the enemy
skirmishers. The forty Americans advanced within forty yards when the
enemy opened fire, not hitting a single man. The Americans returned fire,
hitting four of their opponents. Five rounds were exchanged in which two
Americans were killed and several wounded while the enemy advanced to
thirty yards from the American line. Glover, fearing the weakening of his own
small force, ordered a retreat. Seeing this, the enemy gave a shout and
advanced along the road.16
When the advancing skirmishers came within thirty yards of Colonel
Read’s forces hidden behind the stone wall on the road’s east side, the
Americans rose up from their crouch, firing all their muskets at once. Stunned
at his unexpected development, the skirmishers broke and headed toward the
15
William Abbatt, The Battle of Pell’s Point (or Pelham) October 18, 1776 (New York: W. Abbatt, 1901), p. 12,
nn. 1 and 2, and p. 13, n. 3. Billias, General John Glover, 117 places Baldwin’s regiment on the west side of the
road north of Shepard’s and further to the west.
16
The most complete contemporary account of the battle can be found in a letter written by John Glover a
few days later. The account of the engagement rendered here is taken from this letter, which can be found in
Force, American Archives, 2:1188–89.

The Split Rock in Pelham Bay Park, black and white print, c. 1890. On the road near here the
first action of the Battle of Pell’s Point began. Courtesy of The Bronx County Historical Society
Research Library, Randall Comfort Collection.

11

�Lloyd Ultan
main body of British troops marching northward on the road.
After an hour and a half had passed, the main body of the British
army, along with seven cannons, advanced within fifty yards of Read’s
regiment. Once again, the Americans rose up from behind the wall all firing
their muskets at once. The British halted their advance and returned fire with
muskets and cannon balls. After discharging seven rounds from their muskets,
Read’s regiment retreated to a point behind Shepard’s regiment.
At this development, the British shouted and advanced to the point
where Shepard’s men were crouched behind a double stone wall on the road’s
west side. The Americans then rose up and fired at the enemy soldiers in
grand divisions. While one group fired their muskets, another was reloading
theirs, thus keeping up a constant barrage for seventeen rounds. This caused
the enemy to retreat several times. At one point, they retreated so far that one
of Shepard’s men was able to jump over the wall and take the hat and canteen
off a dead enemy officer.
Glover knew that he was facing a far superior force than his own. To
preserve his men, he ordered Shepard’s regiment to retreat to a point behind
Baldwin’s. Unfortunately, Baldwin’s men were on the downward slope of a hill
that enabled the opposing army to occupy a commanding position at the top.
While the same tactic of rising up and firing from behind a stone wall was
used, it was not as effective.
One reason for the lack of effectiveness this time was that the British
were now familiar with Glover’s tactic. Another was that the British force to
the east under the command of Cornwallis heard the sound of battle and
turned westward to attack the American flank. As soon as Cornwallis’s men
appeared on the scene, Glover ordered a retreat across the narrow Hutchinson
River to meet the men of his own regiment and the three cannons he left with
them.17
At this point, the British halted their advance. Noting that the
Americans were not retreating but standing some distance away, the British
started firing their cannons at them. The Americans then aimed their own
artillery and returned the enemy’s fire. The damage inflicted by both sides
was minimal. The constant cannonade lasted for the rest of the afternoon until
the onset of night. Under the cover of darkness, Glover then withdrew his men
toward the west, leaving his baggage behind.
Clinton did not pursue but kept his army in place and consolidated
his position for the next few days. Meanwhile, Washington had the time to
complete the withdrawal of the main American army from what is now the
western half of The Bronx and to regroup at White Plains.18
The Battle of Pell’s Point was over. Since then, the “battle” among
historians to determine its significance has been waged.
The first to examine the engagement at Pell’s Point in any great detail
was Henry B. Dawson. A naturalized American citizen who had emigrated
Franko, Pelham Manor, 36.
Otto Hufeland, Westchester County During the American Revolution, 1775–1783 (White Plains, NY:
Westchester County Historical Society, 1926), 124–25.

17
18

12

�The Importance of the Battle of Pell’s Point
from Great Britain, Dawson earned his living as a newspaper editor and by
publishing The Historical Magazine from his home in the town of Morrisania,
now part of The Bronx. In this journal, he printed documents he and other
antiquarians and historians found that illuminated aspects of American
history. Dawson earned a national reputation for his work and Dawson Street
in The Bronx bears his name.
In the 1880s, Dawson agreed to the request of J. Thomas Scharf, a
prolific author of books chronicling the history of several towns and counties
across the nation, to write a chapter on “Westchester County, New York,
During the American Revolution.” This appeared as chapter 6 in Scharf’s twovolume History of Westchester County, New York, published in 1886.
Dawson cites several previous historical accounts that mention the
military encounter at Pell’s Point in passing. He readily faults these accounts
for neglecting it. Dawson, indeed, tells a fuller story behind the encounter than
any of his predecessors. Nevertheless, this acclaimed historian refers to the
entire incident as a mere “skirmish.” He does, however, credit Glover with
“acting with admirable skill and with a deliberate coolness which would have
done honor to a soldier of larger pretensions.”19
After a careful analysis of the numbers, Dawson accepts Glover’s
estimate that he faced about 4,000 enemy troops that landed at Pell’s Point.
He concludes that Glover’s own forces added up to under 800 men but
believes that the colonel’s estimation of commanding only 750 soldiers during
the fight is probably accurate.
Dawson also examines the number of casualties reported on both
sides. Glover stated that six of his men were killed and twelve men and one
officer wounded. The wounded officer was Colonel William Shepard. The
British losses at Pell’s Point were reported by General Sir William Howe to
Lord George Germain. The official figures counted as casualties three men and
one officer, Captain William Glanville Evelyn of the Fourth Regiment of Foot.
Twenty British soldiers and one officer, Lieutenant Colonel Musgrave,
commander of the First Battalion of Light Infantry, were wounded.
Dawson does note that there was no mention of any Hessians counted
in the British casualty report. The British government had paid the rulers of
a few of the small independent sovereign states located in a disunited
Germany to have contingents of their soldiers fight the American rebels. No
matter which German state’s soldiers were hired, they were referred to alike
as “Hessians.” Dawson notes that the Hessian casualty lists would not be
included in the British account. They would be sent to the sovereign ruler of
the German state whose soldiers were involved. Dawson notes that these
archives have never been opened on this matter. Thus, no accurate accounting
of Hessian losses at Pell’s Point can be made. Dawson does believe, however,
that the Hessian losses were “very severe.”20
In 1901, William Abbatt, a Westchester County resident who had
Henry B. Dawson, “Westchester County, New York, During the American Revolution,” in J. Thomas Scharf,
History of Westchester County, New York, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: L. E. Preston, 1886), 1:418.

19

13

�Lloyd Ultan
previously published a work on the crises in the American Revolution, issued
a pamphlet, The Battle of Pell’s Point (or Pelham). In it, he tries to pinpoint the
precise location of each encounter. As the title suggests, Abbatt obviously does
not agree with Dawson that this military action was only a “skirmish.”
Abbatt, however, does follow Dawson in noting the lack of a record
of Hessian casualties, again pointing to the supposedly closed archives that
might contain such information. Despite the lack of precise numbers, Abbatt
similarly asserts that the “enemy’s loss was mostly among the Hessians.”21
Abbatt notes that enemy deserters coming behind American lines for
several days afterward were questioned about their side’s losses. Their
testimony added up to about 800 to 1,000 dead and wounded, more than the
total number of the American forces participating in the battle. Moreover,
these figures would have equaled more casualties than the British suffered at
the battles of Bunker Hill, Saratoga, and Germantown.
In trying to assess the importance of the Battle of Pell’s Point, Abbatt
points to letters by Washington and General Charles Lee. Washington and Lee
alike both praise the professional way Glover and his men conducted
themselves and the good order they displayed in their withdrawals, holding
them up as examples for their comrades in arms to follow.22
In 1926, when the nation celebrated the 150th anniversary of the
founding of the Republic, the Westchester County Historical Society published
Westchester County During the American Revolution, 1776–1783 by Otto
Hufeland, a professional engineer and respected local historian. Since Abbatt’s
account appeared, a much more accurate contemporary map of the
engagements at Throggs Neck, Pell’s Point, and White Plains than was
available to Abbatt was discovered in the Library of Congress. Using that map,
Hufeland was able to correct several errors in Abbatt’s attempt to pinpoint
the exact places where events surrounding the Battle of Pell’s Point occurred.
However, he agrees with both Dawson and Abbatt that the number of enemy
casualties had to be more than what was found in the British official report.23
It was not until 1960 that another historian took a fresh view of the
battle, this time in the form of a biography of John Glover. George A. Billias’s
General John Glover and His Marblehead Mariners vividly recounts the course
of the military engagement and then tries to ascertain its significance.
Billias notes that General Sir Henry Clinton in his report thought he
had faced a superior American force of over 14,000 men instead of only 750.
This obviously attests to the psychological effect that Glover’s strategy and
his men’s execution of it had on the British commander in the field that caused
him to halt his advance.
In calculating that the total number of combatants on both sides was
4,750 men, Billias asserts a total larger than those engaged in the more wellknown Revolutionary War battles of Trenton, Bennington, Stony Point, King’s
See the discussion in Dawson, “Westchester County,” 416–20.
Abbatt, Battle of Pell’s Point, 19.
Abbatt, Battle of Pell’s Point, 20–22 and accompanying notes.
23
Hufeland, Westchester County, 117–24.
20
21
22

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�The Importance of the Battle of Pell’s Point
Mountain, or Cowpens.
In attempting to determine the total enemy dead and wounded,
Billias repeats the view of his predecessors that the British report does not
include the Hessian casualties. He restates that such numbers would have
been reported to each of the German sovereign princes whose troops were
engaged. He asserts that, since the Hessians constituted three quarters of the
invading force, their casualties must have been far higher than those of the
British. Billias also reports the estimation of enemy deserters that they
suffered heavy losses in the battle amounting to 800 to 1,000 men.
Billias bolsters this claim by noting that Glover’s troops fired more
than twenty-five volleys at close range along a narrow roadway while
protected by stone walls. Colonel Laommi Baldwin estimated that 200 of the
enemy were slain, which is a higher number of opponents killed than at the
battles of Long Island, Harlem Heights, White Plains, and Princeton.
The true significance of the engagement at Pell’s Point in Billias’s
view was its strategic consequences. The daylong battle gave Washington
enough time to escape General Sir William Howe’s encircling maneuver and
to regroup at White Plains.24
Only three years after Billias’s biography of Glover appeared, Alfred
M. Franko, the Mount Vernon City Historian, published a 67-page pamphlet,
Pelham Manor: The Forgotten Battle of the Revolution. Using many more
contemporary sources, both British and American, than any of his
predecessors, Franko presents a very detailed and exhaustive account of the
battle, the events that led to it, and what ensued.
Franko believes that the battle had such an adverse effect on the
British commanders that they failed to pursue Glover and even waited for
several days before resuming their march. This gave Washington the valuable
time he needed to evacuate his stretched-out forces from northern Manhattan
and The Bronx and to redeploy his men at White Plains.
In assessing the number of casualties, Franko maintains that threequarters of the troops under Sir Henry Clinton’s command were Hessians. He
also believes the high number of enemy killed and wounded estimated by
British deserters and Americans in the vicinity could only have come from the
Hessian ranks. In addition, Franko notes that there is a relatively large number
of Hessians who were interred in the graveyard of St. Paul’s Church
Eastchester (now in modern Mount Vernon) soon after the battle.25
The authors who have examined the Battle of Pell’s Point are in
general agreement on many factors. They agree, first, that Colonel John
Glover’s quick and decisive action to deploy his men to meet the oncoming
enemy immediately despite the lack of direction from superior officers was
decisive. His men conducted themselves in such a cool and professional manner that it gave General Sir Henry Clinton the impression that he faced a much
larger force than he actually did. The total number of troops involved in the
24
25

Billias, General John Glover, 110–23.
Franko, Pelham Manor, 39–53.

15

�Lloyd Ultan
fighting, these historians further claim, was as large or larger than was the
case in several more well-known Revolutionary War battles, and Pell’s Point,
consequently, should be included among them. These historians also agree
that the number of enemy casualties was far larger than the official British
report. It is impossible, they unanimously assert, to know the exact number
of killed and wounded in the encounter because most of the enemy
combatants were Hessians. Besides, the relevant archives bearing this
information have never been opened. Finally, these historians are in
agreement that the Battle of Pell’s Point caused the British to delay their
forward movement, which enabled Washington to escape entrapment and to
continue the fight until the United States secured its independence.
How true are these claims? What is the importance of the Battle of
Pell’s Point?
The standard by which a battle is determined to have been won or
lost is which side possesses the field at the end. By this rubric, the Battle of
Pell’s Point was clearly a British victory and an American defeat. Glover and
his men were driven from the field and fled the scene under the cover of night.
It must be remembered that the encounter at Pell’s Point was only a
small part of a much larger military campaign that had started in August 1776.
Washington’s objective was to hold New York City and its hinterland and
prevent the British from occupying them and dominating the lower Hudson
valley. The British objective was to capture Washington and his entire army
to end the rebellion quickly. The campaign went through several phases,
including military action at Long Island, Kip’s Bay, Harlem Heights, Throggs
Neck, and Pell’s Point. In the end, neither side attained its objective.
Moreover, Washington considered the one-day encounter at Pell’s
Point a skirmish, not a battle,26 as did British Commander-in-Chief General
Sir William Howe.27 Even Henry B. Dawson, the first historian to examine the
encounter in any great detail 110 years later, uses the word “skirmish” to
describe it. The first person to take pains to try to elevate the event to the
status of a “battle” was the local historian, William Abbatt, in 1901. All
subsequent historians followed his lead.
In part, the case for calling the action at Pell’s Point a battle rests upon
numbers. The accepted number of combatants comes from Glover’s account.
He stated that he commanded 750 men and that 4,000 enemy troops were
landed from their ships. This total of 4,750 troops is asserted to be as much
or larger than several decisive or more well-known battles in the
Revolutionary War.
Yet if we follow the course of the military action, it is impossible to
support the idea that so many men were engaged in the fighting at Pell’s Point.
First, a large portion of the 4,000 men Glover saw landing at Pell’s Point were
placed under the command of General Earl Cornwallis to form the force
26
George Washington, “General Orders (October 21, 1776),” in John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of
George Washington, 39 vols. (Washington, United States Government Printing Office, 1931-1944), 6:221.
27
Force, American Archives, 3:922.

16

�The Importance of the Battle of Pell’s Point
flanking the main army under General Sir Henry Clinton, and they did not join
in the fighting until the end, when the action was substantially over. Clinton
marched the rest of the men northward along a narrow dirt road flanked by
stone walls in the midst of a wooded area. Unlike the usual pattern of
European battles of the time, troops were not arrayed along a long line in an
open plain or in cultivated farmland. At most, perhaps ten men, more or less,
marched shoulder to shoulder in the front row with the rest of the soldiers
following behind them in the same numbers row by row. Only those marching
at or near the front of the column were exposed to American musket fire. The
vast majority of the troops under British command marched with Cornwallis
or were far behind the scene of action and could not have played a role in the

Enlarged view of the landing of the British fleet and route of the British army at Pell’s Point,
from Charles Blaskowitz, A survey of Frog’s Neck and the rout[e] of the British Army to the 24th
of October 1776, pen-and-ink and watercolor map manuscript, 1776. Courtesy of the Library of
Congress.

17

�Lloyd Ultan
fighting.

An allied argument for the importance of Pell’s Point concerns the
number of casualties. Glover reported that he had a total of nineteen men
killed or wounded while Howe counted a full amount of twenty-five casualties
on his side. Beginning with Dawson, historians have pointed to the complete
absence of any casualty returns for the Hessians who took part in the action.
The figures, they assert, are hidden in the closed archives in Germany.
To fill the gap, these historians cite much higher estimates circulating
at the time. The one that seems the most credible is provided by Laommi
Baldwin, the colonel of the third regiment posted by Glover along the road
used by the British. His account is the only one besides Glover’s written by an
American participant. He claims, “In the fight we lost six men and about 20
more wounded in the whole 3 regiments.—The enemy must have lost at least
200 dead in the field, I judge from what I saw myself and good information
from which it cannot be any other way.”28
How much can we rely upon Baldwin’s estimate? His account of
American casualties differs from Glover’s in totaling twenty-six to Glover’s
nineteen. Moreover, his number of enemy killed and wounded comes to 200,
far above Howe’s figure of twenty-five. As with other high casualty estimates,
historians would argue that Baldwin’s large numbers reflect the losses
incurred by the Hessians who were engaged in the fighting.
Yet Baldwin admits that his numbers do not come completely through
personal observation. Additionally, his view of the action was limited. On the
morning of October 18, 1776, he was ill, suffering from the flux. His regiment
left with Glover before him and he caught up with it just about the time it was
posted to its position on the road. That position was located downhill from
William Shepard’s regiment on top of the hill. He could not have seen any of
the action involving Joseph Reed’s regiment or any of the enemy casualties
along the road in front of Shepard’s men. When the enemy troops marched
on the road toward him, General Earl Cornwallis’s flanking troops arrived and
he had to quickly retreat. He did not have time to survey the entire field and
count the enemy dead and severely wounded himself. Thus, Baldwin’s
numbers have to be taken with a grain of salt.
Similarly, we have to take estimates of others not present at the battle
with more than a dose of skepticism. The British deserters who pegged their
side’s losses at Pell’s Point at 800–1,000 men were interrogated at Fort
Washington in northern Manhattan and at Fort Lee in New Jersey. It is not
clear that they were even at the scene of the action. They could have been
repeating guesses of others. Even if they were present, they were not officers
and not in a position to have made an accurate account of casualties.
The weapons used by each side have to be taken into consideration
as well. Both sides were armed with single-shot, muzzle-loading, smooth-bore
muskets. The inside of the barrel of such muskets did not have the spiral
grooves found in more modern rifles, which spin the ball as it is fired and thus
28

Quoted in Franko, Pelham Manor, 40.

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�The Importance of the Battle of Pell’s Point
increase accuracy and range. Once the more primitive musket was fired,
gunpowder had to be poured down the muzzle and a musket ball had to be
located, dropped into the muzzle of the barrel, and rammed down with a metal
rod before it was ready to fire again. This took precious time that could not
be used in firing at the enemy. Moreover, Glover’s account of the battle makes
it clear that the two sides began each phase of their encounter by as much as
fifty feet apart and neared to as close as thirty feet from each other. This means
that all of the action occurred in a range thirty to fifty per cent the length of a
modern American football field. This is certainly not point-blank range, and
it provides enough distance to make the musket fire on both sides highly
inaccurate, producing a relatively low number of casualties.
Yet most historians since Dawson claim that the number of casualties
must have been larger than those stated in the official accounts because there
are no casualty returns of the Hessian dead and wounded. This brings up the
question of whether any Hessian troops actually took part in the Battle of
Pell’s Point.
If we compare the casualty accounts of both Colonel John Glover and
General Sir William Howe, both mention the incident at a lull in the fighting
when a soldier in William Shepard’s regiment jumped over the wall to take
the hat and canteen from a fallen officer. Thus, Howe’s version of events is
validated by Glover’s. Howe also names the regiment in which that officer
served, as well as the regiment of another officer who had fallen in the same
area. They were Captain William Glanville Evelyn of the Fourth Regiment of
Foot and Lieutenant Colonel Musgrave, commander of the First Battalion of
Light Infantry. Both units were part of the British army. Another account found
in a Revolutionary War diary kept by British Lieutenant Colonel Stephen
Kemble, then serving as Adjutant General of the British Army, 60th Foot, adds
that Lieutenant Rutherford of the 22nd was wounded, but not dangerously.29
Here we have three British units specified as taking part in the action along
the narrow rural road flanked by stone walls, each suffering at least one
casualty. Obviously, these three British units were placed in the vanguard of
Sir Henry Clinton’s advancing troops. Thus, they were the ones who were
exposed to the rounds of musket fire by the Americans. Hemmed in by stone
walls and hampered by the wooded terrain beyond them, the only way the
small number of men arrayed in cramped narrow rows could escape was by
fleeing back to their own advancing column, which they did several times.
Where were the Hessians? In 1863, the German historian Max von
Elking wrote The German Allied Troops in the North American War for
Independence. He names three Hessian units that landed at Pell’s Point and
engaged the Americans. Later, he notes, another Hessian brigade was brought
up and the Americans retreated.30 How the Hessians were engaged in the
fighting is not detailed but it appears they were not in the vanguard along the
narrow road with the British troops. Most likely they would have advanced to
29
“Kemble’s Journal,” in Collections of the New-York Historical Society for the Year 1883 (New York: The New
York Historical Society, 1884), 94.

19

�Lloyd Ultan
the scene of action when Glover and his men retreated across the Hutchinson
River and exchanged canon fire with the enemy troops. This phase of the
battle produced little or no damage to either side. Moreover, von Elking does
not mention any Hessian casualties in this battle. This is affirmed by Stephen
Kemble’s diary. Kemble notes the presence of Hessian troops in all military
encounters where they were deployed, both before and after Pell’s Point. He
notes the British losses that day but has nothing to say about Hessians taking
part in in the battle or any of their killed or wounded.
Moreover, the British always seemed to be in the vanguard of
advancing troops in the action on the mainland. When the sentry on
Montressor’s Island (Randall’s Island) asked an American soldier on the shore
of the Bronx Kill defending Morrisania for a piece of chewing tobacco, it is
obvious they spoke the same language, that is, English. After the enemy
landing on Throggs Neck, the troops marching on the causeway toward
Westchester Creek were British, not Hessians. At Pell’s Point, British troops
marched along the walled rural road ahead of the rest of the column.
Taking into account the documentary evidence and the terrain where
the Battle of Pell’s Point was fought, we must conclude the Hessians had little
or no part in the action, except toward its end, and that they suffered
absolutely no casualties. Thus, the inflated estimates of Hessian losses must
be considered a myth. It may have arisen from the several rounds of musket
fire that could be heard throughout the day. Perhaps, it came from the cannon
fire in the afternoon that resounded far and wide over the otherwise quiet
countryside. These unusually long sounds of battle, especially the cannon fire,
likely convinced people far away that the fighting produced hundreds, or even
thousands, of casualties. The conjecture that the Battle of Pell’s Point is
important—because the high number of Hessian losses raises it to the level
of other major Revolutionary War battles—holds no water.
Yet how can the presence of Hessians buried at St. Paul’s Churchyard
in Mount Vernon be explained? On 23 October, only one week after the
engagement at Pell’s Point, Colonel John Glover and men, mostly from his own
regiment, were out on patrol when they encountered a party of Hessians. In
the skirmish that followed, twelve enemy troops, including one officer, were
killed and three were taken prisoner.31 Since the churchyard was relatively
near the site of this engagement, it would be natural to inter the dead Hessians
there. Similar skirmishes in the vicinity during that week likely added to their
number. Thus, the Hessians buried at St. Paul’s did not come from the Battle
of Pell’s Point but from small firefights in the area that occurred immediately
afterward.
Therefore, if the number of combatants and the casualty count cannot
provide Pell’s Point with importance, what can? It has to be the effect that the
battle produced.
The historians examining the engagement at Pell’s Point note that the
30
31

Quoted in Franko, Pelham Manor, 28.
Franko, Pelham Manor, 51.

20

�The Importance of the Battle of Pell’s Point
British commanders failed to pursue Glover once his troops abandoned the
field after sundown. They did not even press forward the next day to engage
Washington’s strung-out forces as they were abandoning their positions in
northern Manhattan and the western Bronx on their way to White Plains. If
only Howe, Clinton, and Cornwallis had taken the initiative and pressed ahead,
they could have defeated the scattered American troops easily and thereby
ended the Revolution. That they chose not to do so, previous historians assert,
was the consequence of the action of the Continental Army at Pell’s Point.
General Sir Henry Clinton was convinced that he faced a force he estimated
at 14,000 men, a number far larger than his own army. Therefore, he halted
for several days, thus allowing Washington to escape from the trap in which
Howe planned to ensnare him.
While Clinton’s overestimate of the number of Americans he faced
may have played a part in the decision to halt, there were other, and far more
pressing, reasons for the British holding in place just after the battle. The
objective of this stage in the pursuit of Washington was to cut the American
supply line from Connecticut. Several times the American commander wrote
to Connecticut Governor Jonathan Trumbull impressing upon him how vital
it was for the Continental Army that continued provisions and other supplies
be sent from his state as quickly as possible.32 If the British could cut that
supply line, it would make any subsequent military encounter with
Washington’s army much easier to win.
A further consideration was the disposition of small American forces,
both Continental and local militia, in Westchester County north of today’s
Pelham Bay Park. If the British army were to move westward immediately to
engage the strung-out American troops moving to White Plains, its north flank
and rear would be exposed to attack. To prevent that from happening, it was
necessary to halt for a while and send out military units to flush out those
men and eliminate them as a potential menace to the British objective of
entrapping Washington.
Another consideration involved augmenting the British forces in the
field with additional Hessian troops. A total of 3,910 Hessians had arrived in
New York on 18 October, the same day the Battle of Pell’s Point was fought.
After some rest, they embarked on ships that took them to New Rochelle,
where they landed on 23 October.33 The British spent the days before their
arrival clearing the area of enemy forces and the days afterward coordinating
the Hessians’ deployment. This also prevented the British from attacking
Washington’s forces immediately after Pell’s Point.
Therefore, it cannot be contended that the Battle of Pell’s Point was
the only, or even the major, reason why the British halted their advance and
why they did not capture Washington’s army. We are still left with the
See, for instance, Washington’s letter to Trumbull, October 20, 1776 in Fitzpatrick, Writings of George
Washington, 6:217–19.
33
Johann Ewald, A Diary of the American War: A Hessian Journal, tr. and ed. by Joseph P. Tustin (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1979), 1–8.
32

21

�Lloyd Ultan
question: What was the importance of Pell’s Point?
Considering the fact that the previous engagement at Westchester
Creek halted the British army’s advance and prevented it from getting behind
Washington’s lines, does this mean that the encounter there on October 12,
1776, was more important than what happened at Pell’s Point? After all, the
British never dislodged the American forces from their position at
Westchester Creek. Washington’s army retained its hold of northern
Manhattan and the rest of the mainland. It was the British who quit the field
of battle to redeploy elsewhere. By the usual standard, the action at
Westchester Creek could be considered an American victory and a British defeat, even though the American position there was abandoned soon after the
British departure.
Yet it was not American arms that caused the British to leave the field.
The causeway near the center of the town of Westchester was defended by
Colonel Edward Hand and his Delaware Continentals who were armed with
the more accurate and longer-range rifles. It is true that their fire caused
British casualties but it was the swampy terrain, which hampered the ability
of the enemy to maneuver, that was decisive. The picking up of the boards of
the bridge over Westchester Creek created a barrier that prevented further
British advance. The Americans could easily fire at the enemy while remaining
behind the safety of a mill and piles of cordwood. The only way the British
could move was back to Throggs Neck, where they could eventually redeploy
at Pell’s Point.34
The British landing at Pell’s Point was unopposed, the road inland
was solid and dry, and no natural or manmade barrier existed across the roadway—all of this made it easier for the royal army to march and to bring up its
cannons and supplies. Another force of British and Hessians was able to march
along solid terrain flanking the main army. Strategically, they were nearer its
two immediate objectives of cutting off the American supply line from
Connecticut and of engaging Washington’s forces. The redeployment of the
Continental Army to White Plains on 18 October was not really anticipated
but the fact those troops were not completely settled and behind defenses
was a positive factor for the British. The narrowness of the road on which Sir
Henry Clinton’s men marched and the flanking stone walls proved to be a
detriment, but at first no major opposition was expected. Moreover, John
Glover did not become aware of the British landing until it was well under
way, thus giving the British time to land and arrange their advance.
After examining all the relevant factors and dismissing as myth most
of what previous historians have asserted to be the importance of the Battle
of Pell’s Point, we are left with only two factors that form the real significance
of the engagement.
The first rests on the action taken by Colonel John Glover. Faced with
an overwhelmingly superior force of what was considered the best army in
Christopher L. Ward, The Delaware Continentals 1776–1783 (Wilmington, DE: The Historical Society of
Delaware, 1941), 76–78.

34

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�The Importance of the Battle of Pell’s Point
the world, Glover did not abandon his position and flee, nor did he falter or
hesitate. Having no experience with higher command and doubting his own
ability to handle the situation, his first thought was to try to obtain his
immediate superior, General Charles Lee, to direct the American forces.
Surveying the rapidly unfolding situation, however, Glover acted on his own
initiative to advance and meet the enemy forces. Glover’s quick strategic
deployment of his small number of troops and his instructions to them were
so brilliant that he convinced General Sir Henry Clinton that the number of
Americans faced was far larger than the total he commanded.
The second factor constituting the battle’s importance was the
performance of Glover’s troops. Unlike other American soldiers who fled in
panic before advancing British regiments, Glover’s men held their position. In
fact, it was the British who fled when utterly surprised by the first volley of
musket fire aimed at them from Colonel Joseph Read’s men popping up from
behind the stone wall on the east side of the road. It took the British an hour
and a half to regroup and be reinforced before they slowly and carefully
ventured forward. When Colonel William Shepard’s men rose up from behind
the wall on the west side of the road, the British fled again. When it came time
for each American regiment to withdraw, they did so in good order and in a
professional manner. In the final phase of the battle, the American troops
coolly held their ground in the midst of a British cannonade and fired back.
All of this came to the notice of both General Charles Lee and General
George Washington. On 19 October, the day after the battle, Lee wrote in his
orders to the men he commanded, “General Lee returns his warmest thanks
to Col. Glover and the brigade under his command, not only for their gallant
behavior yesterday but for their prudent, cool, and soldierlike conduct in all
respects.”35 Washington, after attending to all the details involved with the
redeployment of his army, wrote in his General Order of 21 October that
Glover and his men deserve his thanks for their “merit and good behavior” in
the battle and added that he hopes “that every other part of the Army will do
their duty with equal duty and zeal whenever called upon; and that neither
danger, difficulties, or hardships will discourage Soldiers engaged in the Cause
of Liberty and contending for all that Freemen hold dear and valuable.”36
Here we find the real importance of the Battle of Pell’s Point. The
action and behavior of Glover and his men are extolled as the example of how
everyone in Washington’s army should act. The American soldier should be
gallant, prudent, cool, soldier-like, act with zeal, and not be discouraged by
danger, difficulties, or hardships. Certainly, if Glover and his men acted in this
manner in facing the might of Great Britain in the form of its vaunted military,
then all American soldiers fighting for Liberty could do so too. What happened
at Pell’s Point was used to promote American military morale. The British
were not invulnerable. All Americans could act the way Glover and his men
did, and that would ensure the triumph of the American cause.
35
36

Quoted in Franko, Pelham Manor, 50.
Washington, “General Orders.”

23

��Life in the Bronx
SERIES

To order online,
www.bronxhistoricalsociety.org

or call 718-881-8900

�284 Alexander Avenue, exterior shot showing sign for office of Dr. Ernst Wilkins.
Courtesy of Sandra Eaton.

26

�284 ALExANDER AVENUE:
GEMüTLICHkEIT
Sandra Eaton
Gemütlichkeit is an untranslatable German word that implies
emotional warmth, comfort, good cheer, camaraderie; festivity with food,
drink, and friends; kindliness, and community. This is the word that comes to
my mind when I remember my great grandparents’ home, 284 Alexander
Avenue, in what is now the Mott Haven Historic District in the South Bronx.
My great grandparents, Dr. Ernst and Hermine Wilkens, and my great
aunt, Margaret Wilkens, owned this brick townhouse on Alexander Avenue
from 1901 to the early 1970s. This area saw tremendous change during that
time. I best remember it from the 1950s and ’60s, when outside the house
much was changing but inside time had stopped—except for a very few
additions, such as a portable television set with a large shawl on top.
My great grandfather was a scientist first and foremost, which led to
his professional passions—pharmaceutical science and medicine—and his
great personal love—photography.
His daughter Margaret, my great aunt, told me that he loved to figure
out how things worked and would take things apart to learn about them. He
loved technical progress and owned an early automobile, a Velie, before World
War I. Over his entire life he photographed his house, his family, his trips home
to Germany, and many social events in his house with friends and relatives,
including the annual Christmas celebration.
Ernst was born in Watenstadt in the Duchy of Braunschweig in June
1865. His father Heinrich was a Lutheran minister and his mother Agnes cared
for her ten children. He studied the sciences and history at the CaroloWilhelmina Technical College
of Braunschweig, graduating
in 1881. In August 1881 he
emigrated to New York, which
required an Emigration
Certificate
from
the
Braunschweig government. It
appears from his photographs
taken in Germany that the
family was comfortably

Dr. Ernst Wilkins with his Velie.
Courtesy of Sandra Eaton.

27

�Sandra Eaton
middle class. However, Ernst and three of his brothers—Bernard, Emil, and
Wilhelm—followed four of his uncles to America, where I assume their
opportunities were many more than in Braunschweig.
It is likely that he had help getting settled in New York by his two
uncles, who had already emigrated and were well established in the horsehair
industry in downtown Manhattan, and his friends from Braunschweig. My
mother told me that people from the area kept up their acquaintance when
they settled in New York. Indeed, Ernst met Hermine because their families
knew each other in Braunschweig.
Ernst graduated from the New York College of Pharmacy, among the
top ten in his class, after four days of grueling exams, which he described in a
letter to his mother. He then worked for the Louis Eickwort Pharmacy at 712
East Tremont Avenue in The Bronx.
Subsequently, in the 1890s he owned his own pharmacy, or
apotheker, at 154 Vernon Avenue in Long Island City. While owning that
pharmacy and working days with one assistant, including one six-month
period with his brother Emil, Ernst attended Medical School at the University
of the City of New York at night. He received his medical degree on April 4,
1893. Ernst and Hermine Louisa Kessel were married on May 2, 1893. They
lived in a room behind the pharmacy, while Ernst sought a long-term home
for his family and his medical practice. The Wilkens family, including baby
Alfred, born in 1894, moved to The Bronx, where they rented 588 East 141st
Street, three blocks east of the present Mott Haven Historic District.
In March 1901 Ernst purchased 284 Alexander Avenue for $6,350
from the Estate of Maria Smith Keyser. The original home, a brick townhouse
of four floors including the basement, was built around 1863, and an extension
to the rear of the first floor, which later held Dr. Wilkens’s office, was added in
1886.

Louis Eickwort Pharmacy, located at 712 East
Tremont Avenue, showing Ernst on right and
possibly Louis Eickwort on left, c. 1880s.
Courtesy of Sandra Eaton.

Living room of 284 Alexander Avenue
facing street, showing Dr. Ernst Wilkins in
mirror with camera on tripod.
Courtesy of Sandra Eaton.

28

�284 Alexander Avenue
The home was divided into formal, public spaces and informal private
areas. The long parlor was at the front of the house, entered from the hallway.
It featured two large mirrors: one over the fireplace and a tall one between
the two tall street-side windows. Here festive family and community gettogethers were held. Behind the parlor was the sitting room, a more private
space where letters might be written, opera listened to on the radio in later
years, or children play. Opening off the sitting room was Dr. Wilkens’s medical
office. I assume and may have heard that the sitting room was used as a
waiting room.
The house had a high stoop at the top of five steps before the front
door. In hot weather chairs were brought out after the sun went behind the
buildings in the west, ice chunks might be chewed on, and friends greeted as
they passed. There was also a three-by-five-inch space—we called it an
“area”—a few steps below street level next to the front steps with a door into
the basement hallway. This allowed for deliveries, storage of trash cans, and
so on.
When the get-togethers involved a meal, the group moved to the
dining room downstairs, which featured a wall of built-in cabinets with glass
doors, a large heavy dining table, as well as a sideboard and china closet
stuffed with cut-glass bowls, china, hand-painted dessert plates, sets of wine
glasses, and serving pieces. There was a butler’s sink in a small space between
the dining room and the kitchen. The kitchen was a family space where we as
children ate meals when we visited. In the ’50s and ’60s there was a gas stove
for cooking as well as an old wood stove, probably original, in which crackers
and cookies were stored. The kitchen was very dark, as one of the windows

Photo left: Left-to-right: Barbara Graefenecker Eaton,
her grandmother Hermine Kessel Wilkens, Sandy, and
Bonnie Eaton in the “area” at 284 Alexander Avenue,
c. 1951. Courtesy of Sandra Eaton.
Photo above: Family party in living room, showing
Wilhelm, Bernhardt, Emma, Marie (Margaret), and
Dr. Ernst Wilkens, siblings, c. 1902.
Courtesy of Sandra Eaton.

29

�Sandra Eaton
opened into the Boiler Room at the rear of the house and the other into a yard
shadowed by buildings.
My mother often spoke of how fun-loving her grandmother Hermine
was. Both Hermine and Ernst doted on their grandchildren, according to my
mother Barbara Graefenecker Eaton, the oldest grandchild. My mother as a
child often spent long periods at 284 Alexander Avenue in the summers, when
her Aunt Margaret would travel and Grandmother Hermine wanted company.
Barbara wrote of playing cards with Hermine “before they made the beds!
Going to the movies in the afternoon—often! [her exclamations] On a nice day
we would take a trolley ride, maybe to the end of the line—the Battery—and
watch the Staten Island Ferry go back and forth. . . We rode it once or twice. . .
just for the ocean voyage.” This was in the 1920s. She also told of the time
Hermine was playing the piano and got so caught up in the music she was
unaware that a fire was being fought just down the street. The entire family
loved opera, and Margaret as an adult regularly attended the Metropolitan
Opera. WQxR’s Saturday opera broadcast was a must listen at 284.
Ernst passed away in 1932 and life became quieter at 284 until we
great grandchildren arrived. When my family visited my great grandmother
and great aunt in the ’50s, we were fascinated by the house, especially the
bathrooms. The toilets on the second floor and in the utility area behind the
kitchen were tall thrones with a pull-chain flush, possibly original to the
house. The second-floor bathroom was elegant with a marble sink and floor
and a giant bathtub. It could be entered from the master bedroom at the rear
or the hallway. It was often quite cold in there, though the house certainly had
central heat.
Also on the second floor, aside from the three family bedrooms, was
a little built-in sleeping cubby in a short passage between the middle bedroom
and the front bedroom. We marveled at this cozy spot and wondered who

Dining room of 284 Alexander Avenue.
Courtesy of Sandra Eaton.

Hermine Wilkens in kitchen with young friend,
c. 1951.
Courtesy of Sandra Eaton.

30

�284 Alexander Avenue
slept there, though we never asked. Now I wonder if a maid slept there, as the
U.S. census shows a maid of Irish parentage living at 284 Alexander Avenue
in 1910 and also at 588 East 141st Street with the Wilkens family in 1900. It
is also possible that the maid lived on the top floor, although my great-great
grandmother Christiana Bremer Kessel Kieselbach and her second husband
Alfred lived there from the time the Wilkens moved in.
The home’s small back yard, in my mother’s memory, was not much
used. The family owned a bungalow, as it was called, on Pelham Bay and

Mirror above fireplace at 284 Alexander Avenue decorated for return of Alfred Wilkins from
World War I. Courtesy of Sandra Eaton.

31

�Sandra Eaton
gathered there many weekends with the grandchildren in the 1920s.
One other joy of our visits was the El Station at 138th Street and Third
Avenue. It was a behemoth of an old wooden station with long flights of stairs
to reach the platforms. We rode the El into Manhattan with my mother and
aunt as young children in the late ’40s and early ’50s, wearing white gloves
and craning our necks to peer out the windows. Later my Great Aunt Margaret
enjoyed taking my sister and me to foreign restaurants in Manhattan—
Korean, Swedish, German (in Yorkville, a very German neighborhood as it then
was). She took us on the Staten Island Ferry too, just as her mother had taken
my mother. She introduced us to Alexander’s Clothing Store a short walk up
Third Avenue, and we often bought school clothes there as teens.
Eleanor and Margaret both graduated from Barnard College in
Manhattan, and became school teachers. Alfred Wilkens served in Europe
during World War I. My mother spoke of how important it was to the Wilkens
family and other Germans in the neighborhood to show their loyalty to the
U.S. In 1918 the Christmas tree was decorated with U.S. flags and there may
have been one in the front window. Neither did Ernst speak German in the
home.
Eleanor and her family met her future husband, Michael
Graefenecker, in the neighborhood. He and his family lived at 247 Willis
Avenue on the block directly behind 284 Alexander Avenue in what may have
been the family bakery. Michael and Alfred Wilkens served near each other in
France during World War I. Alfred was gassed in France and spoken of in the
family as “never the same afterwards.” He was a quiet, gentle man who lived
at 284 Alexander Avenue for a few years with his two children after his first
wife died from a problem after goiter surgery. He later remarried and moved
to New Jersey. Eleanor and Michael married in 1922. He became an engineer
at AT&amp;T, and the family moved to Tuckahoe.
Margaret continued to live in the home even after both parents had
died. She taught math at Evander Childs High School in The Bronx. She was a
passionate photographer as was her father, and she traveled often. She went
to see her relatives in Germany at least twice that we know of, including in
1938. She said the atmosphere was so fraught with fear there in 1938 that
she could only talk to her aunts if they walked in the countryside. She was an
intrepid woman but after she was mugged twice on Alexander Avenue in the
early 1970s, she sold the house and rented an apartment on Briggs Avenue,
near the Grand Concourse.

32

��PUBLICATIONS OF THE BRONX COUNTY
HISTORICAL SOCIETY PRESS
The History of The Bronx Project
The Northern Borough: A History of The Bronx.......................................$28.00
(Lloyd Ultan) The ultimate one-volume history of our
beloved Bronx, by the official Bronx Historian.
350th Anniversary of The Bronx Commemorative Issue ..............................$20.00
(Lloyd Ultan, Gary Hermalyn editors) Essays on The Bronx,
Jonas Bronck, transportation and The Bronx at the turn
of the 20th century.
The Bronx in the Frontier Era: From the Beginning to 1696
(Lloyd Ultan) ............................................................................................$20.00
The first comprehensive volume in the Society’s series
dedicated to The History of The Bronx.
Legacy of the Revolution (Lloyd Ultan) ........................................................$15.00
A history of the Valentine-Varian House, one of the city’s
oldest structures, built in 1758.
Theatres of The Bronx (Michael Miller)...........................................................$5.00
Photographs of the famous movie theatres of The Bronx.
The Bronx: Then and Now ...........................................................................$22.00
(Kathleen A. McAuley &amp; Gary Hermalyn) A wonderful viewing
of our Bronx through the years.
Blacks in the Colonial Era: A Documentary History ..............................$18.00
(Lloyd Ultan) Documents, records, wills and newspapers
of the era 1664-1783.
The Bronx: A Struggle for County Government ......................................$15.00
(George Zoebelein) The Bronx becomes the 62nd &amp; last
county in New York State.
Westchester Town: Bronx Beginnings ........................................................$15.00
(Kathleen A. McAuley) Origins date back to 1654 along the
banks of Westchester Creek.
Digging The Bronx: Recent Archeology in the Borough .........................$25.00
(Allan S. Gilbert, editor) Essays contributed by well-known
archeologists.
A Historical Sketch of The Bronx .................................................................$15.00
(Lloyd Ultan &amp; Gary Hermalyn) Brief history with early
images of The Bronx.

Roots of the Republic Series
Presidents of the United States (Lloyd Ultan) .............................................$20.00
Absorbing character outlines of the first 41 men who have
held office; essays on the origins of the Presidency and the
electoral college.
The First House of Representatives and The Bill of Rights
(George Lankevich) ...................................................................................$20.00
The story behind the Bill of Rights and the men who
established the first House of Representatives.
The First Senate of the United States (Richard Streb) ................................$20.00
Explores the key figures in the upper house of the Congress in
1789 when the country began under its present government.

34

�Chief Justices of The U.S. Supreme Court .................................................$20.00
(George Lankevich) Essays of the first sixteen men who held
the office of Chief Justice. Sections on the court’s origin and
of judicial review.
The Signers of The Constitution of The United States.............................$20.00
(Bro. Edward Quinn) Sprightly character sketches with
original drawings of the Signers including The Bronx’s
own Gouverneur Morris.
The Signers of The Declaration of Independence ....................................$20.00
(Bro. Edward Quinn) Sketches and drawings of the Signers,
including Lewis Morris of the manor of Morrisania.
Roots of the Republic Series Set SPECIAL PRICE ....................................$99.00
(Dr. Gary Hermalyn, Project Editor) Six volume set of the
books above numbered 17 through 22 now available at
a discounted price. (Includes shipping and handling.)

The BCHS Journal
The Bronx County Historical Society Journal ...........................................$20.00
Begun in 1964, this is the oldest continuously published
periodical on the history and heritage of New York.
25 Year Index to The Bronx County Historical
Society Journal: 1964-1988 ...................................................................$10.00
This comprehensive index includes thousands of references to
local events, individuals, institutions, schools and businesses.
An invaluable research tool for New York history and genealogy.
Articles, Titles and Contributing Authors to
The Bronx County Historical Society Journal..................................$15.00
A complete listing to assist the researcher in finding
useful information.

New York City Series
Morris High School and the Creation of the New York
City Public High School System (Gary Hermalyn)............................$34.00
The is the story of the extraordinary educational reforms of the
1890s which peaked with the opening of Morris High in 1897.
The Greater New York Centennial (Elizabeth Beirne) .................................$20.00
Essays from the directors of the seven major historical institutions
of New York City on how consolidation affected their region along
with original full color paintings by Jan Munro.
New York City at the Turn of the Century .................................................$20.00
(Elizabeth Beirne) A captivating collection of essays on
New York City with original full color paintings by Jan Munro.
The Centennial of The Bronx Commemorative Issue ...................................$20.00
(Peter Derrick &amp; Gary Hermalyn, editors) Twelve informative essays
on the state of the borough at the end of the 20th century.
Tunneling to the Future (Peter Derrick)........................................................$20.00
The story of the great subway expansion that saved New York
and helped develop the outer boroughs.
New York City: A Short History (George Lankevich)....................................$20.00
A great one-volume history of the most unique city in the world.
By The El: Third Avenue and Its El at Mid-Century.................................$20.00
(Lawrence Stelter) “One can still hear it rumble by.”This book
represents the definitive work on the El in its later years.
A History of the Riverdale Yacht Club ........................................................$20.00
(Rubio P. Mendez) The story of this jewel located along the
Hudson River.

35

�Yankee Stadium: 1923-2008: Images of Baseball.......................................$22.00
(Gary Hermalyn &amp; Anthony Greene) Designed as the grandest sports
arena since the Roman Colosseum. This is its illustrated story.

New York State Series
The Hudson River (Elizabeth Beirne) .............................................................$20.00
Essays on the inspiration and challenge of the great river
with original color paintings by Jan Munro.
Re-Inspired: The Erie Canal, America’s First Great
Work of Civil Engineering...................................................................$20.00
(Douglas Lazarus, G. Hermalyn &amp; G. Koeppel) This canal
established New York as the Empire State.

United States Series
Bicentennial of the United States Constitution ........................................$20.00
Commemorative Issue (Bro. Edward Quinn, Gary Hermalyn,
&amp; Lloyd Ultan, editors) This work features articles on
Gouverneur...................................... Morris the penman of the Constitution
and a description of colonial money.

Research Library &amp; Archives
The Bronx in Print ..........................................................................................$10.00
(Gary Hermalyn, Laura Tosi &amp; Narciso Rodrigues) An annotated
catalogue of books, dissertations, pamphlets, scripts and
manuscripts about The Bronx. The text is also available on
our website.
Elected Public Officials of The Bronx Since 1898......................................$15.00
(Laura Tosi &amp; Gary Hermalyn) Compilations of ten Bronx offices,
names of the officials, party affiliations, and years of service.
The only work of its kind in New York City. (Eleventh Edition)
Genealogy of The Bronx (Gary Hermalyn &amp; Laura Tosi) .............................$10.00
(Laura Tosi &amp; Gary Hermalyn) An annotated guide to sources
of information.
Publications &amp; Other Media of The Bronx County Historical
Society Since 1955 (Gary Hermalyn) ......................................................$5.00
Complete list of books, pamphlets, scripts, lectures, maps,
films &amp; articles written under The Society’s patronage.
Guide to The Bronx County Historical Society
Media Collection ..................................................................................$10.00
(Laura Tosi &amp; Gary Hermalyn) An annotated index.
Guide to The Bronx County Historical Society
Video Collection ...................................................................................$10.00
(Laura Tosi &amp; Gary Hermalyn) An annotated index.
Guide to The Bronx County Historical Society
Media Collection ..................................................................................$10.00
(Laura Tosi &amp; Gary Hermalyn) An annotated index.
Guide to the Atlas Collection of The Bronx County Historical
Society 1869-1969 (Laura Tosi &amp; Gary Hermalyn) ...............................$10.00
Guide to the Microfilm/Microfiche Collection of
The Bronx County Historical Society 1869-1969 ......................................$20.00
(Laura Tosi &amp; Gary Hermalyn)
A Guide to the Collections of The Bronx County Archives
(Kathleen A. McAuley) .............................................................................$20.00
A description of over 100 collections held in The Bronx County
Archives.

36

�Newspaper Titles of The Bronx ....................................................................$15.00
(Dominick Caldiero, Mark Sgambettera, Laura Tosi &amp; Gary
Hermalyn) User’s guide and listing of the known newspapers
in Bronx County.
Index to the Sheet Map Collection of The Bronx County
Historical Society ..................................................................................$20.00
(Laura Tosi, Mark Sgambettera, &amp; Gary Hermalyn)
The one and only of its kind.
Education &amp; Culture in The Bronx: A Research Guide ...........................$20.00
(Gary Hermalyn, Elizabeth Nico, Laura Tosi, Kathleen McAuley,
&amp; Catherine Pellicano) First guide of its kind, details the historical
collections of Bronx institutions and associations with Sidney
Lazarus original drawings.
Ethnic Groups in The Bronx: Selected Bibliographies From
the Collection of The Bronx County Historical Society .................$20.00
(Laura Tosi, Elizabeth Nico, &amp; Gary Hermalyn) Features thirteen
Bronx Ethnic groups with Daniel Hauben Paintings.
Edgar Allan Poe Cottage Documentary DVD ...........................................$20.00
(BronxNet, Bronx Tourism Council, &amp; The Bronx County Historical
Society) A wonderful story of Poe’s Cottage in The Bronx.

Edgar Allan Poe Series
Poems and Tales of Edgar Allan Poe at Fordham......................................$15.00
(Elizabeth Beirne) An annotated collection of Poe’s works
written while he lived in his cottage in the village of Fordham.
(Second Edition)
Edgar Allan Poe at Fordham (Kathleen A. McAuley) ...................................$15.00
A teacher’s guide and workbook on the life of this great writer.

Streets of The City Series
History in Asphalt: The History of Bronx Street &amp;
Place Name Encyclopedia (John McNamara)...............................................$30.00
Did you ever wonder how your street got its name? This
fascinating book describes the history of Bronx names.
(Fourth Edition)
McNamara’s Old Bronx (John McNamara)...................................................$20.00
John McNamara’s incomparable articles from his “Bronx in History”
column in The Bronx Press Review span the centuries with stories
of the people of The Bronx.
History of Morris Park Racecourse (Nicholas DiBrino) ..............................$10.00
An illustrated history of the famous Bronx racecourse,
aerodome and the Morris family.
Landmarks of The Bronx ...............................................................................$15.00
(Gary Hermalyn &amp; Robert Kornfeld) Comprehensive list of
designated and proposed landmarks of The Bronx; description
of landmark law and its process.
Bronx Views: Postcards of The Bronx...........................................................$12.00
(Gary Hermalyn &amp; Thomas X. Casey) Wonderful images of
The Bronx with an essay on the origin of the postal cards.
The New Parks Beyond The Harlem (John Mullaly) ...................................$25.00
1887 reprint of book describing the plan for
The Bronx Park system.

To order online, go to www.bronxhistoricalsociety.org

or call 718-881-8900
37

�Educational Material
The South Bronx and the Founding of America .......................................$15.00
(Lisa Garrison) This activity book for teachers and students
provides a concise historical account of the early settling
of The Bronx.
Latin Bicentennial (Alfonso Serrano)...............................................................$5.00
This Spanish and English language comic book discusses
the Hispanic peoples of The Bronx.
West Farms Local History Curriculum Guide ..........................................$15.00
(Samuel Hopkins) Suggested activities, lessons, activities,
bibliographies and resources for all grades.
Local History Classroom Resource Guide.................................................$15.00
(Dan Eisenstein) Suggested activities, lessons, charts and
illustrations for all grades in Bronx History.
The Study and Writing of History ...............................................................$20.00
(Gary Hermalyn) Essays on the how and why to writing history.
Annotated Primary Source Documents – From the
Collections of The Bronx County Historical Society ...............................$20.00
(Anthony Greene) Full color reproductions of primary
documents depicting the development of The Bronx. (volume 1)

Special Interest
The Bronx Cookbook .....................................................................................$15.00
(Peter Derrick and Gary Hermalyn, editors) Tasty recipes from
Bronxites of today and yesterday.
SPECIAL OFFER: Available at the reduced price of $10 when
combined with an order for any other book listed.
The Bronx Historical Calendar ....................................................................$10.00
Visit a new Bronx memory each month with historic,
rarely-seen images of our great borough. Makes a great
stocking stuffer gift for any Bronx lover. Instant collector’s item!

Bronx Gift Collections
The Beautiful Bronx Mug ................................................................................$7.95
This ceramic mug, with gold lettering on a black background,
is a fine gift for all Bronxites.
The Bronx River Parkway Poster c. 1915 .....................................................$20.00
Attractive 20 1/2 x 29 1/2 full-color reproduction of an artist’s
three dimensional, topographical view of the entire
Bronx Borough with great detail in its illustrations.
Printed on glossy heavy-weight paper – a beautiful
wall piece.
The Bronx Comfort Set ..................................................................................$60.00
Set includes: The Bronx Cookbook,
The Bronx Afghan, and The Bronx Mug.
Edgar Allan Mug ..............................................................................................$7.95
This black ceramic mug shows
Edgar Allan Poe’s iconic signature.
Makes a fine gift for any Bronxite.
The Grand Concourse Print .........................................................................$20.00
A top quality 25” x 12” reproduction of an artist’s ink
rendering of the 1892 plan for the Concourse printed
on acid-free stock suitable for framing.

38

�THE BRONX COUNTY HISTORICAL SOCIETY

MUSEUM OF

VISIT THE BRONX

The Bronx County Historical
Society’s Museum of Bronx
History, open to the public since
@ THE VALENTINE-VARIAN HOUSE
1968, is in the historic landmark
Valentine-Varian House.
The
museum’s long-term and changing
exhibitions are often drawn from
The Society’s extensive collections
and focus on the history and
heritage of The Bronx and its
people. The Museum of Bronx
History provides a venue for
cultural
and
educational
programming for public and
school audiences, as well as for an
extensive Museum Store.
Isaac Valentine, a prosperous
blacksmith and farmer from
Yonkers, built this vestige of
Colonial New York about 1758
along the post road that was once
the only land route between New
York City and Boston. The house
survived the Revolutionary War,
occupied throughout the conflict by both British and American forces. But the war caused
financial ruin for Valentine, who was forced to sell his home and the 260-acre property.
Isaac Varian, a successful butcher and farmer, bought the holding in 1792. The Varian
Family kept the house for three generations; one of Isaac’s grandsons (also named Isaac)
served as New York City’s 63rd Mayor (1839–1841). With increasing urbanization,
William F. Beller acquired the fieldstone farmhouse in a 1905 auction, and his son, William
C. Beller, donated it to The Society in 1965, when it was moved to its present location by
Williamsbridge Oval Park. It is operated as a museum by The Bronx County Historical
Society and is a member of the Historic House Trust of New York City.

BRONX HISTORY

DIRECTIONS:
Subway: Take the D train to Bainbridge Avenue &amp; East 205th Street in The Bronx. Walk
north on Bainbridge Avenue.
Take the Lexington Avenue-Woodlawn 4 train to Mosholu Parkway in The Bronx. Walk
north, then east on 208th Street to Bainbridge Avenue. The Museum of Bronx History is
located across the avenue, on the right.

Bus: Use Bronx bus lines #10, #16, #28, #34, #38 and MTA express bus BxM #4 from
Manhattan.

��The Bronx:
An Academic Powerhouse
Patrick J. T. Curran
For those of us who were raised in The Bronx in the 1940s, ’50s, and
’60s, we had the opportunity to receive the best education possible. The Bronx
had fine elementary and secondary schools as well as numerous institutions
of higher learning, including New York University (until 1973), Fordham
University, Manhattan College, and the Maritime College, which led to the
name “Borough of Universities.” Be they public or private, these institutions
were staffed with dedicated religious or lay teachers and professors who not
only knew how to teach but cared deeply for their students. I am proud to say
that I was one of those students and lived a rich and rewarding life thanks to
that education.
My experience began with Sister Ambrose Marie in Holy Spirit
School’s first grade. That amazing nun had all of her forty students reading,
writing, and knowing numbers as well as religion by June. At that time,
another name for elementary schools was “grammar schools.” When we graduated, we knew the parts of speech, how to diagram sentences, rules for
reflexive verbs, and more, and in my professional writings, including my
doctoral dissertation, my educators never found a mistake in grammar—but
my spelling was another thing. In grade eight, we had to take the New York
State Elementary Regents Examinations. These exams, each three hours long,
were given in English, History, Geography, and Arithmetic. If we passed them,
in addition to our school diploma, we received a New York State Diploma.
At Cardinal Hayes High School, I had priests and bothers of various
religious orders as teachers. It was there that Father Nugent inspired my love
of History and Government and Brother Conrad, C.F.x., taught me the logic of
the law. Again, we had Regents Exams and upon graduation we received two
diplomas.
Being a child of immigrants, I did not have funds available to me to
attend university full time. Fordham had an evening program at its downtown
Manhattan location with classes on the Bronx campus on Saturday mornings.
Thus, I was able to work full-time and pursue a university degree
simultaneously. While taking history courses, I found out that by also taking
some education courses I would be qualified for a license as a social studies
teacher upon graduation. In my last term at Fordham, I quit my job with the
Aetna Casualty Insurance Company and was assigned as a student teacher at
Walton High School, back in The Bronx. The public high schools in New York

41

�Patrick J. T. Curran
City were usually co-educational but each borough had one school for boys
and one for girls. Walton was the all-girls high school for The Bronx.
The principal of Walton was Marion Heffernan and she ran a “right
ship.” She wanted the best teachers who not only knew their subject but could
impart that knowledge to the students. The result was a very orderly school
with high academic achievements. The students referred to Walton as “St.
Mary’s on the reservoir.” As I was finishing up my assignment as a student
teacher, one of the teachers told me that her husband, a vice principal in a
junior high school, was looking for a history teacher for the fall term. That led
to my wonderful teaching career at Macomb’s Junior High School.
Macomb’s, also known as J.H.S. 82, was located in the West Bronx,
close to the corner of Tremont and University Avenues. The families in the
catchment area of the school were predominantly second- or third-generation
Jewish or Irish. While the children of these neighborhoods played together,
regardless of their ethnic backgrounds, there was segregation when they went
to school. The majority of the Irish students were Catholic and attended either
Holy Spirit or Sacred Heart, while the Jewish students attended P.S. 26 and
then P.S. 92. On the Jewish High Holidays, out of a class of thirty, a teacher
might have only five in attendance. Regardless of which school their children
attended, most of the parents were involved in their children’s education and
were supporters of the school. On “open school nights” a teacher could count
on seeing the vast majority of students’ parents.
When I joined the faculty in 1955, Macomb’s was preparing to
celebrate its 30th Anniversary. By that time, it was rated as one of the top
academic schools in The Bronx, a rating which it continued to hold well into
the ’70s. Even the title of the school’s yearbook, The Scholarship, tells you the
aim and belief of the administration. For many years, the principal was Harry
Flaum, ably assisted by the vice principals Joe Horn, Hanna Eager, Grace
Canary, and George Dunbar. Mr. Flaum visited each classroom every Monday
morning to express his hope that the teacher and students had had a good
weekend. On Wednesdays he made quick visits to each class, just to check that
all was going well. On Fridays he again paid a short visit to each class to wish
all a happy weekend. Seldom would you see Harry Flaum sitting in his office
during the school day. He was out walking the halls, chatting with teachers as
they stood by their classroom doors, and insuring orderly change of classes
between periods. He was also on the front steps welcoming the faculty and
students upon arrival and seeing them off at the end of the school day. While
it was the job of the vice principals to do the formal visits and evaluations of
the teachers, they knew from his visits which teachers needed help within
their classrooms. Only strong academic people with good classroom control
received tenure at Macomb’s.
Reading through issues of The Scholarship, one sees that there were
usually fourteen or fifteen homerooms of thirty students in each grade. In the
seventh and ninth grades, two homerooms were “SP homerooms”—that is,
classes of boys and girls that covered the three years of junior high school in
42

�An Academic Powerhouse
two years. With my 7SP class, I was expected to cover the ten-month English
and Social Studies course of study in less than six months and do half of the
Eighth Grade by the end of June. These students could keep up with the pace
and receive honor grades while doing so.
Another column in The Scholarship was called “Newsettes,” and it
included honors received by alumni as well as current classmates. The
Scholarship regularly received a First Place Certificate from the Columbia
University Scholastic Press Association as well as accolades from the National
Scholastic Press Association.
When one reads through the prose and poetry written by these early
teens, you realize that these students were truly gifted and that they received
plenty of encouragement to develop these gifts.
The second half of each issue contains a class picture of every
homeroom. The boys and girls alike wore white shirts but the boys also
donned ties. The boys in the ninth-grade pictures wore jackets as did all of
the male faculty members.
On the back pages of The Scholarship are printed the school’s Honor
Roll. I doubt there are many schools in the country that would have over
ninety per cent of their students on it, as was the case at Macomb’s.
In the spring of my third year at J.H.S. 82, I notified Mr. Flaum that
since I would be getting married the following December and moving to Long
Island, I would be resigning in June. That fall I began teaching History in the
Islip Public Schools and later became an adjunct professor of Government at
Suffolk County Community College, retiring in 1987.
During my years, I had many opportunities to visit different school
on Long Island but never came across one that could match the academic
standards of Macomb’s.
Just before Eileen and I moved to New Mexico, I met with three of my
former students from Macomb’s for lunch in Manhattan. All were now
grandparents, and we chatted about our lives and families. After lunch, we
took the subway up to The Bronx to see the old neighborhood. There, next to
the building that had been the Park Plaza Theatre, the school building was
still standing but the name and number were gone. It was a quiet trip back to
Midtown.

43

�The Bronx Afghan

50” x 65” 100% Washable cotton.
Depicts attractive scenes of beloved Bronx institutions.
Valentine/Varian House Museum of Bronx History, Edgar Allan Poe Cottage,
The Bronx Zoo, Van Cortlandt House, Wave Hill,
Lehman Center for the Performing Arts, Bronx Museum of the Arts, Orchard Beach,
Hall of Fame for Great Americans, Bartow-Pell Mansion,
New York Botanical Garden and old Yankee Stadium.

$50 www.bronxhistoricalsociety.org $50

�Reminiscence: It Was A Great
Place To Live, The Bronx
Phil Berle (d. 1999)1
We started out in the East Bronx, moving there in 1911 when I was
ten years old. Our first apartment was at 960 Kelly Street, between
Westchester Avenue and 193rd Street. It was part of a new development, a
string of flats as they called them in those days. Milton was four, my brothers
Frank and Jack were in between, and my sister Rose was born the next year.
Living in The Bronx in those days was like living in the country. The air was
clean. It was beautiful up here.
Out at Clason Point, there was an amusement park. Many a time I took
the trolley car out there from Westchester Avenue and Southern Boulevard; I
grew up there practically. There were no houses along that trolley line, only
farms. Frank and Jack and I, we’d go out there and pick tomatoes and
cucumbers; I don’t remember if we were stealing or not.
The New York, New Haven, and Hartford Line went to Hunt’s Point.
Down near the tracks, a pipe came out of the ground with spring water. Just
came out, nobody knew from where. It was great water, and people lined up
to get it. Kids in the neighborhood would fill five-gallon bottles and delivery
them to people for two cents. Pulling a red card with two-three bottles. That’s
the way kids made a few pennies.
Life was very different then. If a man was making $17 or $20 a week,
he was a big shot. But it was a carefree type of life. My father would come
home every night from work, and all the kids would run up and surround him.
“What did you bring home for us?” we’d yell, and we’d go to his pocket. You
see, at every subway station they had vending machines with penny candy,
and he’d always bring some home for us. Friday night was a big deal in the
summer time. He’d bring home a big bottle of cream soda; it costs a dime.
We’d all sit in front of the house and have a drink—a big celebration for us.
In the neighborhood the kids hung around the candy store, like they
do today. Not everybody had a telephone in those days. To get a call, you gave
out the store’s number. If someone called, they’d shout up to you and you came
running down.
We had a lot of interesting people in the neighborhood. About two
doors from where we lived on Kelly Street, number 966, was one of the world’s
greatest writers: Sholem Aleichem. He was known as the Jewish Mark Twain.
He died in 1916. The entire block was jampacked with people the day of his
This reminiscence was written by Phil Berle in 1992, when he was 91. This is the first time it is being
published. Phil Berle died on January 2, 1999, in Tampa, Florida, just weeks before his 98th birthday. His
brother, Milton, died in 2002.

1

45

�Phil Berle
funeral.

Another well-known person in the neighborhood was Leach Cross,
the boxer. He used to train by running through the neighborhood every
morning. I remember him wearing a white turtleneck sweater, running. He
also had another profession; he was a dentist. People used to say he would
knock teeth out in the ring and then have them fixed at his office. There were
probably many other interesting people I don’t even remember, and they
became big people. It was a great place to live, The Bronx.
Our movie theater was on Simpson Street, near Westchester Avenue.
They never advertised names of pictures or starts. When they did advertise,
it was something like: “We’re showing 7,000 feet of film today.” Then Loew’s
opened the Southern Boulevard Theater, where you could see vaudeville acts
and motion pictures for fifteen cents. Some grocery stores gave out rebate
tickets that could get you in for a dime. And there was a theater on Dawson
Street—I think it was called The Victor, something like that. I used to take my
brother Frank by the hand and take him to the show. Five cents to get in, and
they gave you a rebate ticket for a piece of candy.
There was a place on Westchester Avenue between Kelly Street and
Tiffany Street that had an “open air” theater in the summer, on the roof right
over the closed theater. That was 1912, and there was no air-conditioning yet.
About that time, that same theater experimented with “talking pictures.” They
made a recording of the dialogue in the picture and played it backstage, but
they could never get it in sync.
On Southern Boulevard there was the Cecil Spooner Theater, which
showed plays. They changed plays every other week. It was a very popular
place. There was also a place called Hunt’s Point Palace, like a dance hall.
Across the street from it, at the corner, was a baseball park. Semi-pro baseball
was played there. We kids played baseball, too. When I was around thirteen,
we had a team called the Bison Juniors. We played at a place we called the
Castoria Lot. On a building near the lot there was an advertisement for
Castoria medicine, which “worked while you slept.”
One day our catcher was sick and he didn’t show up. I volunteered to
catch, without a mask. I got hit in the nose with the backswing of a bat and
wound up at Morrisania Hospital with a broken nose. That was the end of my
catching career.
When that happened, we were living at 957 Tiffany Street, a block
away from our first apartment on Kelly Street. It was just after we moved there
that my brother Milton started his career. He wasn’t much past four, a very
precocious kid.
He took some of my father’s pants and tried to make himself up as
Charlie Chaplin, who was the rage at the time. They had Charlie Chaplin
contests all over the country. Milton cut some hair out of an old muff of
mother’s to make a mustache. He went out on the street doing Charlie Chaplin,
and after a while there was a crowd following him. A man knocked at the door
and said he was a theater owner from Mount Vernon, that he was having a
46

�It Was A Great Place To Live
Chaplin contest, and would it be possible to bring Milton up there: he looks
so great.
Being the oldest, I went with Milton and my mother by trolley car to
Mount Vernon. Milton won the contest and was awarded a twenty-five-cent
silver cup. And it cost us fifty or sixty cents to get there and back. Anyway,
there was somebody in the audience who was making a picture and he hired
Milton for it. His first job was to sit under a tree and eat a box of candy. He
wound up in a Charlie Chaplin picture, working with Chaplin and Marie
Dressler, and from that point on it was in the blood.
My career in the entertainment business started in The Bronx too.
During one summer vacation from school, I became a prop boy—there were
no unions yet—for a motion picture company on Wilder Avenue. The first
picture I worked on was called Lena Rivers, which was re-made many years
later, I think with Greta Garbo. They had a scene I’ll never forget. It was
supposed to be a drawing room, with the backdrop of a garden behind it.
During the shooting, one of the carpenters walked right across the stage,
between the backdrop and the front, and they left it in the picture.
After that, I worked for Biograph Studios in The Bronx. I worked on
most of the pictures Marion Davies made, like When knighthood Was in Flower,
Little Old New York, and Yolanda.
While we were living on
Tiffany Street and Milton’s career
was getting started, my mother was
a store detective in John
Wanamaker’s,
downtown
in
Manhattan. I went there every day
after school and walked the floors
with her, watching for shoplifters.
Sometimes she had to go to night
court, and being the oldest, I went
with her and then back to The
Bronx. Many years later, Milton
used to do a gag on stage: “My
mother was a store detective, and
they made it easy for her by putting
her in the piano department.”
One thing happened to
Mom that Milton didn’t joke about.
Whenever he had a book in
Manhattan, my mother and my
sister Rose would go down to
Dave’s Room, a rendezvous for
people in the theatrical business. Publicity photograph of Milton Berle,
The same cab driver who drove Phil’s brother, c. 1940.
them down from The Bronx would Courtesy of the Library of Congress.
47

�Phil Berle
take them back. This time, Milton was to open at the Paramount Theater in a
week. One night, after Mom and Rose left Dave’s, the cab driver taking them
home stopped for a red light on Central Park West. A man ran up, put a gun to
his head, pulled him out of the cab, jumped in, and started away.
The cops chased him and started shooting, not knowing there was
anybody in the cab. Rose grabbed my mother, pushed her down in the cab and
threw a coat over her—just after one of the bullets grazed her head. They
finally caught the guy running down the subway steps and took him to the
47th Street Precinct. When I got home, Mom was propped up in bed with a
bandage on her head being quizzed by all the newspaper people. When the
cops located Milton and told him, he ran right to the 47th Street stationhouse.
The first thing he did was whack this guy in the jaw, right from nowhere, a
beautiful right cross.
Everybody thought it must have been a publicity stunt, because
Milton was going to open at the Paramount. But when headlines came out the
following day —“Milton Berle’s Mother and Sister Kidnapped”—and they saw
she was hurt in bed, people knew it was no publicity stunt. Milton jammed
the place when he opened.
It was when Milton’s career began to flourish that the family moved
from the East Bronx. I remember our West Bronx apartment house was a
classy place with a canopy and a doorman—right across the street from
Morrisania Hospital where, during the night, you could hear the screams of
women having their babies. We stayed in The Bronx for quite a while, and
when I got married, I couldn’t get The Bronx out of my blood, so I moved to
Gerard Street off 167th.
I’ve been in California for fifty six years now, but I’ve always been a
genuine Bronx boy. I loved it when I lived there, and I’ll never forget it as long
as I live. When I reached ninety years of age last year, they threw me a big
party.
Is there anybody still out there who knew me in those days? You
might remember me under Berlinger or Berle. Maybe from P.S. 23, which was
at 165th Street and Union Avenue; I graduated from there in 1915. Write to
this paper and they’ll forward your name to me. I’d love to hear from you.

48

�About the Authors...
Phil Berle
Phil Berle, or Phil Berlinger, was born in New York City in 1901 and
was the oldest of five children. The Berlingers shortened the family name
to “Berle” when Phil was five and moved to the East Bronx in 1911 when
Phil was ten. Phil and his siblings, one of whom would go on to become
the famous Milton Berle, grew up in The Bronx. Phil and Milton also both
entered show business in the borough, as it was then home to multiple
movie studios. While Milton went on to become a famous comedian, Phil
worked more behind the scenes as a business agent, talent manager,
television producer, and movie extra. Phil died on January 2, 1999, at the
age of 97. Milton died three years later in 2002.
Patrick J. T. Curran
After retiring from teaching, Dr. Curran and his wife moved to Las
Cruces, New Mexico, where he got involved in local politics. In 1994 he ran
for State Magistrate Judge for Dona Ana County. He was elected and served
two four-years terms. He then retired and was appointed by the State
Supreme Court as pro-term magistrate. He served for ten more years in
that position until his wife’s failing health caused them to move to
Dartmouth, Massachusetts, to be near their daughter.
Dr. Curran’s first article, about growing up in the West Bronx,
appeared in The Bronx County Historical Society Journal, vol. 24/1 (Spring
1987). For this article, he was awarded the Halpern Memorial Award in
1988. Dr. Curran’s second article, which reflected on revisiting The Bronx
after a long absence, appeared in The Bronx County Historical Society
Journal, vol. 29/1 (Spring 1992). His third article, which recounted his
experiences as a student in The Bronx during World War II, appeared in
The Bronx County Historical Society Journal, vol. 53 (2016).
Sandra Eaton
Sandra Eaton writes about her great-grandparents and their home
in the historic Mott Haven district of the south Bronx.
Lloyd Ultan
Lloyd Ultan is the official Bronx Borough Historian, a well known
lecturer and tour leader. Professor Ultan was a founder of The Bronx
County Historical Society Journal.

49

�Read The Bronx,
Live The Bronx,
Know The Bronx.

ks
M a ny b oo
in
le
b
a
ava il
k
c
a
b
r
e
p ap
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o
o
B
e
a nd
t.
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fo

ArturoViale.com

���Book Reviews
Merwin, Ted. Pastrami on Rye:
An Overstuffed History of the
Jewish Deli. New York: NYU
Press, 2015, repr. 2018. 265
pp. ISBN: 978-1479872558.
$12.82.
Ted
Merwin’s
cultural history of the Jewish
deli is the first of its kind.
Until recently, as Merwin
mirthfully
bemoans,
“historians have given the
towering deli sandwich—and
the place in which it was
consumed—surprisingly
short shrift” (p. 13). While a
book-length treatment of
smoky, spicy deli fare might
instantly
appeal
to
gourmands, Merwin stresses
the wider relevance of his
study from the first page:
“The pickled and smoked meats sold in storefront Jewish delicatessens
starting in the late nineteenth century became a part of the heritage of all New
Yorkers. But they were, of course, especially important to Jews; the history of
the delicatessen is the history of Jews eating themselves into Americans” (p.
1). Pastrami on Rye, therefore, is a welcome and much needed intervention,
as it smartly uses deli cuisine to plumb the vital themes of immigration,
generational change, and the political economy of food among American Jews.
Nevertheless, the central thesis of Merwin’s book—that the Jewish
deli at its apex represented a kind of way station along American Jews’ upward
path to a firmly middle-class existence—is less palatable. For starters, Merwin
sometimes muddles this thesis. According to Merwin, that is, the Jewish deli
is not solely a relic of how Jews dreamt of impending prosperity in the midtwentieth century U.S. As Merwin simultaneously maintains, during its heyday
the Jewish deli also served the role of a “third place,” a term coined by
sociologist Ray Oldenburg to name spaces “that level social distinctions among
53

�BOOK REVIEWS
patrons, foster civic engagement, and provide a platform for mutual emotional
support” (p. 8). Indeed, as Merwin recognizes, the Jewish deli was distinctive
insofar as it brought together people from various social classes, nationalities,
and religious and political persuasions—Jews and goyim. Could the
delicatessen have been both an index of American Jewish longing for middleclass inclusion and a radically democratic “third place” at the same time? Did
economically ascendant Jews carry the egalitarian spirit of the delicatessen
with them into their comfortably bourgeois lives? Or was something singular
lost when Jews began to leave deli life behind?
Understandably, Merwin wants to have his babka and eat it too.
Merwin speculates that since the 1960s, other institutions have increasingly
begun to function as “third places” for Jews in the U.S., though the few
examples he offers, mostly religious in character, do not convince, considering
their lack of appeal to non-observant or consciously secular Jews. Are such
minimally- and non-religious Jews so thoroughly integrated into mainstream
American culture that they no longer are able to constitute recognizably
Jewish “third spaces” of their own? Merwin is correct to note the general
dearth of “third places” for such Jews today, but this is arguably the case for
people of every creed and ethnicity in many parts of the U.S. Given the
difficulty Merwin has in producing persuasive examples of contemporary
“third places” among religious Jews, such dearth presumably obtains no matter religious affiliation. It would appear, therefore, that a vital aspect of deli
culture was in part relinquished as Jews—regardless of their religiosity—
progressively embraced middle-class values and habits. If true, the deli was
not so much an inevitable springboard to American Jewish
embourgeoisement as its casualty.
Here, in point of fact, is where I disagree most sharply with Merwin.
By inserting the delicatessen within an unbending narrative of American
Jewish upward mobility, he partially covers over the specific proletarian
culture that made delis so unique. As Merwin at times acknowledges, the
Jewish deli came into its own only within the partially secularized, workingclass culture of yiddishkayt, which left its mark on so many aspects of Jewish
life in the U.S. during the first half of the twentieth century but was especially
prominent in The Bronx and Brooklyn. Undoubtedly, Merwin sheds vital light
on the early years of the delicatessen in Manhattan, when it was more a newimmigrant tribute to American prosperity than an established Jewish cultural
institution. But Merwin construes the over-the-top ethos of these first
prominent delis as more or less enduring as the delicatessen proliferated
among Jews in New York’s outer boroughs and elsewhere in the U.S. For
Merwin, for example, the only thing that set delis in The Bronx apart from the
more ostentatious delis he prioritizes was that the former tended to be
“smaller, storefront-type” operations (p. 79).
Tellingly, Merwin devotes very little space to such workaday delis.
Throughout the book, Merwin has occasion to name only a few Bronx
institutions—Schlachter’s, which was on 176th Street, Schweller’s, which was
54

�BOOK REVIEWS
on Jerome Avenue, and Liebman’s, which, thankfully, is still operating in
Riverdale—even though The Bronx at one point had one of the largest, if not
the largest, number of Jewish delis per capita of any U.S. locale. The evidence
itself, no doubt, is partially to blame. The photos and memorabilia of the larger,
flashier delis of Manhattan and elsewhere were more likely to be preserved
for posterity. On the surface, most Bronx delis would have appeared perfectly
unremarkable—small bastions of Jewish life that catered to mostly workingclass patrons and served fairly standard fare. Nevertheless, the true genius of
the delicatessen—its propensity to bring together a range of people, eating
together as equals—stemmed from the very unceremonious nature of these
familiar, familial haunts.
Indeed, The Bronx offers many instances of the Jewish deli’s peculiar
tendency to gather an unexpected mix of people. For example, the Palace Deli
was a bastion of kosher cuisine within the Fordham Road shopping district
for decades. At one point in the 1980s, a substantial portion of its business
came from the local Black Muslim community, which has dietary stipulations
that align closely with kashrut. Merwin’s historical narrative, no doubt, would
have gained further texture through a sustained consideration of such
evidence.
Merwin is certainly to be commended for his trailblazing cultural
history of the Jewish deli. His piquant prose plays on delicatessen cuisine in
sharp and surprising ways. Most importantly, Pastrami on Rye decisively lays
to rest the popular notion that the delicatessen was a staple of shtetl life in
Eastern Europe or even a fixture of the early twentieth-century Jewish
immigrant culture of the Lower East Side. To be sure, Merwin tends to
overlook the creative agency of working-class Jews in the full blossoming of
the deli in The Bronx and Brooklyn, but he has provided an invaluable
foundation for future work along these lines.
Steven Payne
The Bronx County Historical Society
The Bronx, New York

55

�VISIT THE BRONX

Edgar Allan Poe, one of
America’s greatest writers, spent his
last years (1846–1849) in what is
today The Bronx, a part of New York
City. The historic landmark Poe
Cottage, built about 1812, is typical
of the working-class homes that
once populated the area. In this
simple farmhouse, Poe wrote some
of his most memorable works,
including “Annabel Lee,” “The Bells”
and “The Cask of Amontillado.”
Poe moved there in the
spring of 1846 with his wife,
Virginia, and his mother-in-law, Mrs.
Maria Clemm. He rented the house,
THE BRONX COUNTY HISTORICAL SOCIETY
in the rural village of Fordham
thirteen miles north of the city of
New York, from its owner, John
Valentine, for an annual $100 rent.
He hoped the country air would help
his wife, who was suffering from
tuberculosis. She died in the cottage in 1847; Poe continued living there until his death
on October 7, 1849, in Baltimore. Soon after news reached her, Mrs. Clemm left
Fordham.
Within 25 years of his death, visitors to Poe’s home made it a literary
landmark; individuals and groups such as the Shakespeare Society of New York
pressured city officials to save the house from encroaching urbanization. In 1902, Poe
Park was created and in 1913, New York City purchased the house and moved it into
the north end of the park, opening it as a historic house museum.
Restored in 2011, Poe’s Cottage interprets Poe in 1840s New York and the
community as it transformed from rural to densely urban. Poe’s enduring literary
influence remains strong. It is owned by the NYC Department of Parks &amp; Recreation
and operated as a museum by The Bronx County Historical Society. It is a member of
the Historic House Trust of New York City.

EDGAR ALLAN POE

COTTAGE

DIRECTIONS:
Subway: Take the D train to Kingsbridge Road in The Bronx. Poe Park is right outside
the station.
Take the Lexington Avenue-Woodlawn 4 train to Kingsbridge Road in The Bronx. Walk
east to Grand Concourse. The cottage is located across the boulevard, on the right.

Bus: Use Bronx bus lines #1, #2, #9, #12, #22, #28, #34 and MTA express bus BxM #4
from Manhattan.

�BOOK REVIEWS
Gurock, Jeffrey S. Parkchester: A Bronx
Tale of Race and Ethnicity. New York:
Washington Mews Books, 2019. 308
pp. ISBN: 978-1479896707. $30.00.
In many ways, Parkchester
reads as Jeffrey S. Gurock’s love letter
to the Bronx community in which he
grew up. Indeed, as Gurock admits, his
laser-focused
history
of
the
Parkchester housing development and
its environs aims to identify “the
factors that have made this Bronx
neighborhood attractive to successive
groups of residents as its mostly
working-class families for the most
part found ways to live harmoniously”
(p. 9). Throughout the book, Gurock
expresses a pronounced appreciation
for the affordable, safe, and bucolic
living environment that Parkchester has provided for its primarily workingand lower middle-class residents since the Metropolitan Life Insurance
Company (MLIC), which built the development, accepted the first lessees in
1942. Gurock furthermore highlights the exemplary nature of the “get-along
attitude” that has largely prevailed among the community’s shifting
populations even since Parkchester’s infancy, when Jews, Italians, and Irish
lived together without apparent incident. (Such, Gurock stresses, was not
always the case in some parts of The Bronx.)
Yet if Gurock has love for Parkchester, his is a mature kind of love,
which confronts the inherent failures and contradictions of the beloved
neighborhood with resolve. He rigorously unearths the equivocal leasing
policies and dog-whistle doublespeak that MLIC used to exclude, effectively,
Blacks and Latinos from Parkchester for decades. Incisively, Gurock also teases
out underlying ethnic and racial tensions between the diverse residents of
Parkchester themselves—first as integration began to take place in earnest
after 1968, then during the successive influxes of new ethnic groups in the
later years of the twentieth century and into the twenty-first.
While artfully exploring such complex dynamics at a hyper-local level,
Gurock simultaneously unsettles wider narratives about white flight during
the post-war period. According to Gurock, “The story of choosing to live in
Parkchester offers an alternative narrative to the oft-told tales of how longtime New Yorkers, almost all of whom were white, began exiting Gotham after
1945 for what was deemed a better life in suburbia, often also in segregated
locales” (p. 5). By choosing to move to Parkchester, white Gothamites opted
57

�BOOK REVIEWS
for many of the purported boons of suburbia while continuing to reap the
benefits of New York City life. Moreover, especially after 1968, “the
Parkchester story highlights the largely unrecognized phenomenon of African
American and Latino flight within New York City to better areas of Gotham
during this same troubled period” (p. 6). As Gurock demonstrates, Parkchester
thus offers a unique and underutilized case study for historians interested in
the intricacies of urbanization, race, and class in the postwar U.S.
Chapter 1 illuminates the conception, planning, and construction of
Parkchester by the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, led by Frederick H.
Ecker. The chapter draws fascinating attention to the utopian vision that
initially inspired Parkchester, as an affordable and healthy housing solution
for working people, while foreshadowing some of this vision’s ominous
undertones. Chapter 2 delineates the ethnic and religious diversity of
Parkchester in its early years and traces the at times surprisingly ecumenical
efforts to establish various houses of worship in the community. Chapters 3–
4, perhaps the best in the book, provide a thick description of life at
Parkchester during the development’s first two decades. While MLIC
presented itself as the quintessential “benevolent landlord” with marked
success—indeed, some residents began referring to the company as “Mother
Metropolitan”—Gurock enables readers to perceive the class tension that
seethed right below the apparent placidity of Parkchester. During the first two
decades of Parkchester’s existence, MLIC management attempted to assert
increasing control over lessees’ lives. Residents faced the threat of eviction,
for example, for playing music past a certain hour or for their children picking
flowers from the company’s beds. Yet early Parkchester residents found
creative ways to evade, and in some cases organized successfully against, the
subtle domination of their everyday lives. Chapters 5–6 offer a piercing
treatment of race at Parkchester. Chapter 5 first focuses on the early efforts
by a handful of white residents of Parkchester to pressure MLIC to integrate
the development. The chapter also pinpoints the various legal and public
relations strategies that management employed to reject Black and Latino
applicants during the first two and a half decades of the development’s
existence. Chapter 6 hones in on what is presumed to be the majority of
residents’ indifference towards integration throughout much of this period
and susses out, as evidence allows, the mixed reception that new Black and
Latino residents had in the immediate years after integration.
Chapters 7–8 chart the post-MLIC history of Parkchester, first under
the blundering management of Helmsley-Spear, which bought the
development in 1968, then under the more attentive care of the Parkchester
Preservation Company (PPC), starting in 1998. According to these chapters,
Helmsley-Spear brought Parkchester close to the point of ruin by the 1990s.
Unlike MLIC, Helmsley-Spear not only failed to gain the trust of a majority of
Parkchester’s residents but also engaged in what appeared to many as shady
redevelopment schemes, foremost of which was the attempt to convert the
development into condominiums. In contrast, PPC, or so it would seem,
58

�BOOK REVIEWS
managed to achieve the impossible: within a decade of its purchase of
Parkchester, the housing development had again become a thriving, financially
sustainable community—only now with the upgraded building infrastructure
needed to sustain modern amenities like air conditioning. Chapters 9–10
concentrate on the waves of new immigrants that have called Parkchester
home since the 1980s. Many of the racial and ethnic tensions that earlier
chapters teased out resurface in these chapters in modified garb. All in all,
however, the book concludes that the same amicable, ecumenical spirit that
animated early Parkchester lives on today in a mature form, having passed
through the growing pains of integration, displacement, and globalization.
Parkchester is without question a masterful history that analyzes
complex, wide-ranging issues of U.S. capitalist society through a hyper-local
focus on a single Bronx community. At times, Gurock glosses over cracks in
the social fabric of Parkchester too readily, even as he brings to light the very
evidence of these cracks. For instance, after spending a considerable portion
of Chapter 5 narrating activist efforts to achieve housing integration in
Parkchester during the 1950s, Gurock hastily minimizes these efforts’ popular
appeal. Gurock reminds the reader multiple times that such anti-segregation
activism stemmed from an exceedingly small number of residents, who
received primary support from organizers outside the community. Gurock
understandably fixates on the pronounced silence of the overwhelming
majority of Parkchesterites during the period. But silence, as Gurock himself
recognizes, is not always a measure of indifference. During a period when the
forces of white supremacist reaction were emboldened throughout New York
City and the country at large, the fact that such uncompromising attempts at
integration not only appeared in Parkchester but also met no apparent
opposition—except, of course, from MLIC—might serve rather as a tacit
testament to the community’s egalitarian ethos. Without doubt, there were
residents of Parkchester who were indifferent to the question of integration.
As the sizable smattering of votes in the district for George Wallace in 1968
demonstrates, there were also Parkchesterites who were fierce defenders of
the racist status quo. But the out-in-the-open existence of any radical
movement, however small it might appear, is often indicative of a much wider
base of support. Thanks to the meticulous scholarship of Gurock, we can now
at least imagine a more hopeful, rebellious, and complicated past for
Parkchester than initially might meet the eye.
Steven Payne
The Bronx County Historical Society
The Bronx, New York

59

�BOOK REVIEWS
Eldredge, Niles, and Sidney Horenstein. Concrete
Jungle: New York City and Our Last Best Hope for a
Sustainable Future. Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press, 2014. 388 pp.
ISBN: 978-0520270152. $34.95.
A very nice book that discusses one of my
favorite subjects—New York City.
From the first time Sidney Horenstein and
I got into a heated exchange about The Highbridge
and The Croton Water System, I’ve been beguiled by
his breadth of knowledge and understanding of the
intricacies of the systems that make a city run.
This book offers information on the city, its
geological history, the early days of settlement on Manhattan Island, the real
problem of clean fresh water, and the early development of the public rail
system—all in the hope of solving environmental issues. A worthy read.
G. Hermalyn
The Bronx County Historical Society
The Bronx, New York
Hermalyn, G., and Lloyd Ultan. A Historical Sketch of
The Bronx. The Bronx, NY: The Bronx County
Historical Society, 2018. 41 pp.
ISBN: 978-0941980723. $15.00.
While this publication may be a short read
—roughly forty pages— it’s not short on information.
The authors take you on a chronological journey of
the great northern borough of New York, walking
you through major aspects of the borough’s historic
past, from the settlers of Colonial Bronx to the
popularity of hip-hop and breakdancing of the late
twentieth century.
Charts of population growth, as well as many relevant photos, lead
you through a decade-by-decade tour through the borough’s changing
demographics and overall landscape. A must have for anyone who needs a
quick reference guide to anything related to Bronx history.
Richard Legnini
The Bronx, New York
60

�The Bronx County Historical Society
Gouverneur Morris Visiting Scholar Program
In honor of Gouverneur Morris, the Bronx Signer and
Penman of the United States Constitution

2018 Ms. Coline Jenkins
Topic: Elizabeth Cady Stanton
2016 Ms. Vivian E. Davis
2017
Topic: Celebrating 175 Years of
St. Ann’s Church
2015 Mr. Edward Schneider
Topic: Abraham Lincoln
2014 Dr. Gary Hermalyn
Topic: The Erie Canal
2013 Mr. Tony Morante
Topic: The Beginnings
of Baseball
2012 Mr. Daniel Hauben
Topic: The Bronx Through
the Eyes of an Artist
2011 Dr. Gary Hermalyn
Topic: Bronx Homemakers
Club of Daniel, Wyoming
2010 Mr. Angel Hernandez
Topic: Bronx Latinos
2009 Mr. Russell Currie
Topic: Opera based on
The Cask of Amontillado
2008 Dr. Gary Hermalyn
Topic: Edgar Allan Poe
at Fordham
2007 Prof. Lloyd Rogler
Topic: The Story of the
Hispanic Research Center
2006 Prof. Jim Wunsch
Topic: Live From The Bronx:
Radio in the Golden Age
2005 Dr. Brian Purnell
Topic: The Bronx is a Bomb,
and It Is Ready to Explode
Movement in New York City
during the Summer of 1963
2004 Prof. Evelyn Gonzalez
Topic: The South Bronx

61

2003 Prof. Mark Naison
Topic: From Doo Wop to Hip
Hop: The Bittersweet Odyssey
of African Americans in The
South Bronx
2002 Mr. Joseph Cunningham
Topic: New York Power
2001 Prof. Elizabeth Beirne
Topic: The Good Life in 19th
Century Bronx: Business Ethics
2000 Prof. Allan S. Gilbert
Topic: Archaeology in The Bronx
1999 Prof. Roger Wines
Topic: The Bronx River Parkway
1998 Dr. Peter Derrick
Topic: Centennial of The Bronx
1997 Mr. Edward Schneider
Topic: Newspapers in The Bronx
1996 Dr. Gary Hermalyn
Topic: Morris High School &amp; the
Creation of the New York City
Public High School System
1995 Prof. Lloyd Ultan
Topic: Gouverneur Morris and
the Creation of the American
Constitution
1994 Rear Admiral Thomas A. King,
USMS Retired
Topic: The Last Convoy,
the 50th Anniversary of the
Normandy Invasion
1993 Prof. George Lankevich
Topic: The Creation of the
United States Supreme Court
1992 Prof. Lloyd Ultan
Topic: Gouverneur Morris,
Through Word and Speech
1991 Judge Dominic Massaro
Topic: Gouverneur Morris

�Carl M. and Nettie M. Halpern
Memorial Award
Presented to the author of the best reminiscence article published in
The Bronx County Historical Society Journal each year.
2018
2017
2016
2015
2014
2012
2011
2010
2009
2008
2007
2006
2005
2004
2003

2002
2001
2000
1999
1998
1997
1996
1995
1994
1993
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987

Lorraine V. Felts
W. R. Rodriguez
Arlene Baum Rattien
Jacqueline Kutner
Johnny Breslin
Haydee Camacho
Corporal William
Michael Seward
Edward H. Smith
Mega Roby
Jeremiah James Lewis
Regina Amédée-Hatfield
Mary Smith Murphy
Andrea Butler Ramsey
William E. Titterton
and Robert J. Titterton
Gregory J. Christiano

62

Ana E. Irizarry
W. R. Rodriguez
Mary Ellen Clogston
Catherine Scott
Mary Nahon Galgan
W. R. Rodriguez
Alfred F. Schaum
Patricia O’Connor
Seymour Siegel
Kathleen Pacher
August A. Stellwig
Vito Merola
Attilio Tucci
Richard Magat
Patrick Curran
Lawrence Levine

�Business Leaders of the Year
Honoring those in business who support the humanities and arts.
2018 Mr. John Calvelli
Bronx Zoo
2017 Mr. James H. Alston
McCalls Bronxwood
Funeral Home, Inc.
2016 Mr. Steve Baktidy
S&amp;T Auto Body Shop
2015 Mr. Matthew Engel
Langsam Property Services,
Inc.
2014 Mr. Greg Gonzalez
Manhattan Parking Group
2013 Mr. Steve Risso
Teddy Nissan
2012 Mr. Joseph Kelleher
Hutchinson Metro Center
2011 Mr. Adam Green
Rocking the Boat, Inc.
2010 Mr. Anthony Mormile
Hudson Valley Bank
2009 Mr. Lenny Caro
Bronx Chamber of Commerce
2008 Ms. Katherine Gleeson
Goldman Sachs
2007 Ms. Sandra Erickson
Real Estate
2006 Mr. Cecil P. Joseph
McDonald’s
2005 Mr. Frank Cassano
New Bronx Chamber
of Commerce
2004 Mr. Dart Westphal
Norwood News
2003 Mr. James J. Houlihan
Houlihan-Parnes
2002 Mr. David Greco
Mike’s Deli &amp; Caterers
2001 Mr. Peter Madonia
Madonia Brothers Bakery

2000 Mr. John Reilly
Fordham Bedford Housing
1999 Mr. Mario Procida
Procida Construction Corp.
1998 Ms. Veronica M. White
NYC Housing Partnership
1997 Dr. Spencer Foreman
Montefiore Medical Center
1996 Mr. Monroe Lovinger, CPA
1995 Gil and Jerry Beautus
Walton Press
1994 Mr. William O’Meara
Greentree Restaurant
1993 Mr. Larry Barazzotto
Soundview Discount Muffler
1992 Ms. Gail McMillan
Con Edison
Mr. Steve Schiff
Judicial Abstract Corp.
1991 Ms. Susan E. Goldy
ERA Susan Goldy &amp; Co.
Mr. Frank Capasso
PASCAP, Inc.
1990 Mr. Mike Nunez
Bronx Venture Corp.
1989 Mr. Mark Engel
Langsam Property Services,
Inc.
Mr. Carlos Nasario
Metro Beer &amp; Soda
Distributors
1988 Mr. Joel Fishman
Nehring Brother Realty Co.
Mr. Michael Durso
Dollar Dry Dock Savings Bank
1987 Mr. Elias Karmon
EMK Enterprises

63

�BRONx COUNTY HISTORICAL SOCIETY
PRESIDENTS
1993–
1986–1993
1976–1986
1976
1971–1976
1969–1971
1967–1969

Ms. Jacqueline Kutner
Mr. Robert R. Hall
Mr. Raymond F. Crapo
Mr. Robert Farkas
Prof. Lloyd Ultan
Mr. Ronald Schliessman
Mr. Roger Arcara

1964–1967
1963–1964
1963
1960–1963
1958–1960
1955–1958

Mr. Thomas J. Mullins
Mr. George J. Fluhr
Mr. Ray D. Kelly
Mr. Fred E.J. Kracke
Mr. Joseph Duffy
Dr. Theodore Kazimiroff

LIFE MEMBERS
Dr. Elizabeth Beirne
Mr. Louis H. Blumegarten
Mr. Adolfo Carrión
Mr. Sam Chermin
Mr. James Conroy
Mrs. Dorothy Curran
Mr. Martin Diamond
Mr. John Dillon
Mr. Mark Engel
Natalie and Robert Esnard
Mr. Ken Fisher
Fordham Hill Owner’s Corp.
Ms. Katherine Gleeson
Mr. David Greco
Mr. Robert Hall
Dr. Gary Hermalyn
Mr. &amp; Mrs. Sidney Horenstein
Dr. Reintraut E. Jonsson
Mr. Cecil P. Joseph

Mr. Mark Lampell
Mr. Douglas Lazarus
Dr. Helen Lerner
Mrs. Maralyn May
Ms. Kathleen A. McAuley
Mr. Steven A. Ostrow
Mr. Alan Parisse
Mrs. Jane Mead Peter
Mr. Joel Podgor
Mr. Steve Baktidy
Mr. Dan Ritchard
Marilyn &amp; Morris Sopher
Ms. Elizabeth Stone
Mr. Henry G. Stroobants
Ms. Susan Tane
Prof. Lloyd Ultan
Van Courtlandt Village
Community Council
Mr. Henry Wetstein

HONORARY MEMBERS
Mr. Robert Abrams
Mr. Jorge L. Batista
Hon. Michael Benedetto
Ms. Lorraine Cortez-Vazquez
Ms. Gloria Davis
Mr. Hector Diaz
Hon. Ruben Diaz, Jr.
Hon. Jeffrey Dinowitz
Hon. Eliot Engel
Hon. Carmen Farina
Dr. Joseph A. Fernandez
Mr. Fernando Ferrer
Mr. George Friedman
Hon. Carl E. Heastie
Mr. Lee Holtzman
Hon. Robert T. Johnson
Mr. Stephen Kaufman
Mr. Joseph Kelleher

Mr. Jeffrey Klein
Mr. Joel I. Klein
Mr. G. Oliver Koppell
Mr. Jeffrey Korman
Mr. Lawrence Levine
Mr. Harold O. Levy
Mr. Michael M. Lippman
Mr. James J. Periconi
Mr. Ricardo Oquendo
Mr. Nathen Quinones
Mr. Roberto Ramirez
Hon. Gustavo Rivera
Mr. Joel Rivera
Ms. Ninfa Segarra
Hon. José E. Serrano
Mr. Stanley Simon
Mr. Thomas Sobol

64

�THE BRONX COUNTY HISTORICAL SOCIETY
3309 Bainbridge Avenue, The Bronx NY 10467
Telephone: (718) 881-8900 Fax: (718) 881-4827
General e-mail address:
administration@bronxhistoricalsociety.org
www.bronxhistoricalsociety.org
The Bronx County Historical Society is partially supported
through funds and services provided by:
New York City’s Department of Cultural Affairs
and Department of Parks and Recreation,
the Historic House Trust of New York City,
the New York State Office of Parks, Recreation and Historic Preservation,
the Bronx City Council Delegation,
the Office of the President of the Borough of The Bronx,
the Bronx Delegations of the New York State Assembly,
and the New York State Senate,
the H.W. Wilson Foundation, the Astor Fund, the Isabelle Fund,
the Ultan Fund, the Lucius N. Littauer Foundation, the S. Hermalyn Institute,
the New Yankee Stadium Community Benefits Funds, Inc,.
the Susan Tane Foundation, the New York Public Library,
and the New York Community Trust

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 &#13;
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— Lloyd Ultan, "The Important of The Battle of Pell’s Point: Myth and Reality," p. 6&#13;
— Sandra Eaton, "284 Alexander Avenue: Gemütlichkeit," p. 26&#13;
— Patrick J. T. Curran, "The Bronx: An Academic Powerhouse," p. 41&#13;
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